coolness with which an only son will leave a
widowed mother to end her days in the Union,
and will refuse, unless summoned before the
magistrates, to contribute one farthing towards
her maintenance? Is poor-law not answerable
often for the absence of that bond of natural
affection which can never be made too strong,
and for the profligacy of our pauper young
women? I know that such disastrous results
are fostered and nourished under the baleful
legislation which was meant to save the poor;
and that the source of all the evil is, that poor-law,
to clear ground for itself, begins with a
repeal by act of parliament of fundamental
laws ordained by the great legislator who is
alone All-wise. Another serious practical evil
already pointed out in this journal, and to which
allusion must be made, is the antagonism
between poor-law and provident institutions.

In our Union, contrary to the spirit, if not to
the letter, of the law, we endeavour to make
them meet half way, by awarding a portion of
relief where the applicant is a member of a
benefit society. It would be a curious fact
if one could ascertain how many boards of
guardians in the country adopt even so merciful
a course as this to provident poor men. And
even in our case, common experience shows how
the two systems conflict in practice. It is too
much to expect that the greater number of the
poor will take the high moral ground of self-help,
unless stimulated and encouraged by judicious
and firm treatment. At present, even
the best of them pause before they will deny
themselves the power of claiming relief, by
attempting to secure their independence. They
may well do so, for if the evil day come upon
them before their foothold is safe, all their little
capital must be swept off before we stretch a
little finger out to save them.

While this is said on behalf of a class which
will "never perish out of the land," it must not
be forgotten how great have in past times been
the difficulties which beset the question of poor
relief. It is needless to trace the history of
poor-law progress to the time of a generation
now rapidly being gathered to its fathers. It
was to triumph over the iniquities of those
parish authorities who, to ease their own
pockets, made the rate supplementary to the
weekly wages of their labourers, and even
contrived to "smudge the charities in with the
rates." In checking such dishonesty, it is
hardly matter of surprise that the opposite
mischief of compelling proof of sheer destitution,
as the ground of a claim for relief,
was sternly perpetrated. It was to provide
food for a clamorous multitude, which fired the
stacks and destroyed the machinery of the
farmer, when money was scarce and food was
dear. In the face of such extremities there was
some reason for making the Union as repulsive
as the jail; and a system which, under vigorous
management, reduced the poor-rate considerably,
had something to counterbalance grave
defects.

A change, however, is required, and if I, for
one, were to summarise the chief alterations I
think needed, while we retain all that is good
and serviceable in our regulations and arrangements,
I should say first, as to out-door relief,
that there should be an increase of the amount
paid weekly in such cases, so that by this means
we might get rid, as far as possible, of the necessity
of bringing persons into the house.

In the next place, I would have husbands and
wives allowed to live together, even when forced
into the house, and also to have the care of
such of their young children as may best be
with their parents, in their separate apartment.

Then in relief of casual distress, I would have
no questions asked about the benefit society;
but, on the other hand, I would compel all
cottagers to pay poor-rate.

By the first of these alterations, the aged and
able-bodied poor would be the chief gainers.
Recent legislation has swept our highways and
byways of decrepit old men, and inferior workmen
of the class called able-bodied, who could,
under the former system, be "put on the roads"
by the surveyor, and be maintained at a less
cost than if sent into the house. It is anticipated
that the approaching winter will force
many such men and their families into the
Union. It is something to have our roads in
better hands, but there is nothing at present in
view, except the poor-rate, for the former old
staff of incapables. The management of out-door
relief,  it should be remembered, does not
present the same difficulties now as formerly,
owing to the means possessed by the board of
obtaining accurate information of the circumstances
of applicants.

As to the next suggestion, I would observe
that if there be any reason why a man crushed
by adversity, and not by guilt, should desire the
consolation of wife and children in his distress,
instead of being condemned by his fellow-men
to the added bitterness that such natural solace
must be foregone— if there be truth in reciprocal
affection, and if it be true that the anguish of
separation is but keener in the female mind—
the case is too strong to need further support
from arguments on the immoral influences of
this legal breaking-up of families.

Then, as to the virtual punishment of all
attempt at providence. Notwithstanding the
frequent statement of the fact that provident
societies have lessened the poor-rate, to the
extent, says Mr. Tidd Pratt, of two millions
annually, or about threepence in every shilling
strictly poor-rate, no attention worth the name
has been given to this new power, which, with
fair encouragement, would place the relief of
the bulk of the rural poor on its proper footing
of self-help. At present, such is the immoral
action of poor-law in the case of provident
societies, that thousands of benefit clubs are
framed with the view of uniting the relief of
pauperism with the contributions of their
members, and, excepting indirectly, there is no law
that can stop them.

One great lever for the removal of this mischief
will be found in changing the popular