in the colonies are much greater than in England;
indeed, as regards the working classes, the advantages
in this way bear no comparison. Emigration gives to
every man, who by character likes to try for it, a certain
position in the community which he could not arrive at
in this country; every office, I may say, is open to him;
and, if he is by education unfit to forward his interest in
this way, he at least can by rectitude of conduct gain a
station which will enable him to give his children every
advantage. We have not in our colonies the titles that
in this country give importance to a name—we have not
old baronial castles to appeal to our feelings of national
pride in behalf of the owners; consequently men look to
men through a more equalising standard, and if one
man is to be raised above another, it is by mutual
consent; the suffrages of the people and character become
there, in a more especial manner, the ladder by which
an ambitious man must rise. Bearing in mind what has
struck me on this subject, I have always, in giving
advice to a poor man wishing to emigrate, looked more
to the position his children were likely to gain, than to
any immediate advantages to himself. Since my arrival
in England, a poor man came to me, having three
daughters, aged from twenty-one to nineteen; he
proposed to emigrate with his family, through the aid of
the parish to a certain extent. When I looked at his
well-reared and intelligent girls, I was so certain of their
doing well, that I advised the father to send only one
under the care of a friend that was going. He took my
advice. I felt confident that she would soon have a
better offer than £20 a year. Four months after she left, I
sent the second sister. On her arrival in the colony, she
had a married sister to receive her. A letter has since
arrived from the husband of the first married with a
remittance for the third daughter, who is now on the
way out. This again has been followed by a joint letter
from the husbands of the two first girls who went out,
promising a remittance of £50 to make the father and
mother comfortable, with instructions to an agent for
the emigration of the family. In the daughter's letter
to the father, she says:—"Don't, when you are board
ship, say how you got your living at home, or talk about
what you are to do when you come here. Mrs. Chisholm
will tell you how to act. Remember, you are to
be a gentleman if you come here; that is, you will be
dressed as well as any country farmer in Scotland—you
will have the best food, a good horse to ride on, and a
farm of sixty acres to go to, well stocked, so that you
can keep my brothers to help you. On no account get
a pound from the parish; if you should run short of money,
get Mrs. C—— to manage with the agent. I am
so thankful I took advice, and came as I did." This is
one instance of what I call "family colonisation."

The Committee of the Female Emigration Fund have
received a report from their Sub-Committee, on the best
mode of conducting the emigration. The following
points appear to be settled:—The candidates must not
exceed thirty-five years of age; they must be free from
"any bodily or mental defect likely to impair their
usefulness as settlers; they should have had the smallpox,
or have been vaccinated; their characters for industry
and morality should be satisfactory, and it is desirable
that they should read and write; they should have been
accustomed to washing and cooking, or have had some
experience in domestic service as housemaids or nurses."
The candidates will at first be received in a probationary
house, in this country, superintended by a sub-committee,
with a matron accustomed to colonial life, and a
surgeon; there they will acquire some training, and will
prepare their outfit, which must be provided at their
own expense; the machinery of the Colonial Land and
Emigration Commission will probably he placed at the
service of the enterprise, both for the passage and the
reception of the emigrants in the Colonies; each
emigrant will receive 10s. on landing. The report suggests
that persons having relations in the Colonies might be
invited to apply for assisted passages, one-half of the
cost to be defrayed by their friends or the parish. This
report has been adopted by the General Committee; and
a Committee of Selection has been appointed to prepare
a list of fifty candidates.

A preliminary meeting for the purpose of forming a
parochial association, in aid of the Committee recently
appointed for enabling Distressed Needlewomen to
Emigrate, was held in the vestry-room of Marylebone parish,
on the 29th ult. The vestry passed a resolution
approving of Mr. Sidney Herbert's scheme for promoting
female emigration, and appointing a committee to
organise a branch association in the borough of Marylebone,
with a view to the assistance of their own female
population. The Rev. Dr. Spry, the rector of Marylebone,
was requested to act as chairman to the parochial
association, and Mr. H. C. Wilson, honorary secretary.
—On the 3rd inst., another meeting was held for
furthering the object in view, when, after several resolutions
of a purely formal character had been agreed to, it
was proposed by Captain Holland that a letter should
be sent to Mr. Harley, the secretary of the central
association, expressing the desire of the parishioners of
Marylebone to assist him by a general subscription
throughout the parish, and stating that a public
subscription had been commenced. The proposal underwent
some discussion, and it was finally agreed to forward
the letter, as, without pledging themselves to any
particular course, it would elicit the views of the central
body. A subscription was then opened.

NARRATIVE OF FOREIGN EVENTS.

FOR the continent generally at the opening of the new year, it is to be said of it simply that the People
who were lately its masters, have everywhere had to change and make way for the Military, who are its
masters now. But the late governors have left some awkward immoveables behind them, such as representative
government, universal suffrage, jury law, the necessity of popular assent to elections, enfranchisement of
serfs, &c., which will not tend to simplify the toils that await the men of the sword. It will be instructive
to watch the course of events, to observe the alternate preponderance of argument and arms, and discern
to what extent the enlightened, industrious, and liberal classes will be able to stand against the extravagances
of the extremes above and below them.

Louis Napoleon has been trying the pulse of France in regard to absolutism, and has set up a journal to
preach it. It is edited by an old hanger-on or secretary of his in this country, who wrote a book about his
captivity in Ham, and was in all respects his convenient flatterer. M. Briffault formerly told his prince that
it was his destiny to suffer, and make suffering heroic and sublime. Now M. Briffault tells his prince that his
task is to repress and create, just as his uncle's was; and, once and for ever, to lay a strenuous coercive hand on
the press, on his own administration, and on all the factions old and new. The parallel is Napoleon at Marengo;
and the little Napoleon's journal is to put to flight, as the great man's sword did on that occasion, makers of
chimerical schemes (e.g. framers of republican constitutions), advocates of old and effete customs (e.g. such as
direct representation of the people), traffickers in the public money (e.g. penurious folk who won't increase
the president's salary), slanderous scribblers (e.g. every body who objects to the president), and conspirators
of the higher and lower orders (e.g. Thiers and Molé as well as Louis Blanc and Caussidière). Poor President!
A path is before him with dangers accumulating at every step; with shadows, clouds, and darkness resting
on it; and not a step has he taken hitherto, that has not proved a stumble. The silliness of his present