Fletcher, of the great age of 105. His discourse (in
praying and preaching) lasted nearly three quarters of
an hour. Although the chapel is a large one, the venerable
preacher's voice was distinctly heard by all. A
proof of his memory being retentive was his quoting
scripture texts frequently and accurately.

The Marquis of Londonderry has made another appeal
in behalf of Abd el Kader to the President of the
French Republic. His lordship, in a letter dated the
25th of August, says, "If Abd el Kader was to die in
Louis Napoleon's prison, there would be the blot no
waters of Lethe could ever wash out. If you now
longer hesitate, who can pronounce if you will remain
with the power for this noble achievement? Louis
Philippe kept Louis Napoleon, notwithstanding his
princely parole, in durance vile. Louis Philippe
became an exile, and Louis Napoleon was raised to govern
France. Can Louis Napoleon imitate the scourge
under which he was himself striped, and can he range his
hitherto honourable name with that of a D'Aumale or
a Lamoricière, in a treacherous or broken promise,
contrary to all the rules of war and of civilised
nations?" The Marquis says, in conclusion:—"If this, my
last appeal, produces neither result nor positive data of
hopes of success, I shall immediately give to the public
and to the world, the correspondence and letters, copies
of which are in my possession, of the Duc D'Aumale
and General Lamoricière, as I have pledged myself to
do in my place in the House of Lords. I would not
wish to bear hardly upon the Duc D'Aumale, who may
require pity and commiseration for princely weakness,
and who may have been in the hands of others, but for
General Lamoricière, who evinced to the world (brave
soldier as all declared him to be) neither generosity
nor good faith, in not securing to himself (when he was
Minister of War) the deliverance of the man whom
he had deceived and betrayed in the capitulation with
the Emir, I think and feel no public exposition of the
transaction can become too notorious." Louis
Napoleon's answer, dated 13th September, is full of professions
of good intention—"You remind me," he says,
"of Abd el Kader's misfortunes, which is very natural;
but you ask me if the possession of power has changed
my heart. You ought to know me well enough to be
aware that honours, in my eyes, are merely a burden,
which cannot dazzle me, or paralyze the noble dispositions
of my soul. When I do not accomplish all the
good which I desire, it is because I cannot. My intentions
towards the Emir are not changed: I found the
Ottoman Porte well disposed to receive him, but, for
the moment, I find great obstacles. The Minister of
War has been to see Abd el Kader a few days ago. He
found him quite resigned, made him understand that
he must wait still, and endeavoured by all possible
means, to mitigate the hardship of his situation."

Kossuth has Arrived in England, after having been
refused permission to pass through France in his way.
On the arrival of the Mississippi (the American frigate
sent to convey him), in Marseilles Roads, he addressed
a note to the Prefect of the Department, demanding a
free passage and protection through France, it being his
intention to go to England and place his children at
school there before proceeding to the United States.
The answer was that the demand could not be complied
with; and Kossuth, after expressing, in an address to
the "Democrats of Marseilles" the feelings excited by
this treatment, proceeded to Gibraltar. From thence
he sailed in the Peninsular steam ship Madrid on the
15th inst, and arrived at Southampton on the 23rd.
His arrival had been for some days eagerly expected,
and great preparations were made for his reception. Mr.
Andrews, the Mayor of Southampton, went off in a
boat to meet the vessel; and, on her entering the dock,
she was received with loud cheers by the assembled
crowd, among whom were many Hungarian refugees.
Several of Kossuth's friends immediately went on board.
Among them were M. and Madame Pulzsky. Their
meeting was most tender. Kossuth pressed Madame
Pulzsky to his heart, while his eyes filled with tears,
which slowly rolled down his cheeks. M. Pulzsky
saluted Madame Kossuth most warmly; and she and
Madame Pulzsky flew into each other's arms, kissed
each other, and wept, by turns. Kossuth's children, a
girl of about fourteen, and two boys of about twelve and
ten, were then embraced, and a general shaking of
hands took place. This little scene touched all the by-
standers; but the enthusiasm on shore, as the Madrid
came alongside and the exiles beheld Kossuth, was
tremendous, and in their anxiety they nearly pushed each
other into the water. The moment he set his foot upon
the quay, his countrymen crowded round him; many
of them threw themselves upon his neck; all seized
his hand, kissed it, and shook it as if they could not be
persuaded to part with it. The English who were
nearest him, eagerly offered their hands, which he
shook most warmly. He then, with his family, entered
an open carriage and proceeded to the Mayor's house.
He immediately appeared at the balcony, and, uncovering
his head, expressed his joy and gratitude in a few
sentences of pure and energetic English. Madame
Kossuth also came forward and acknowledged the
welcome given her by waving her handkerchief. The
children were next called for; the eldest boy was held
up by his father, amid the cheers of the multitude. In
the afternoon, the corporation and other persons
assembled in the Town Hall, when the address of the
corporation was presented. The principal topic of his
answer, (eloquently delivered in English) was an eulogy
of the British government, institutions, and people.
"I hope," he said, "that England will ever remain
great, glorious, and free. I regard history, and I see
the English race almost the one single race that is free
in both hemispheres of the world; and when I look for
the key of that freedom, I readily confess that it is to
be found in the municipal institutions, which have not
been absorbed by the propensity to centralisation, and
which have been conserved under different forms of
government—here Monarchical, in America Republican.
For, gentlemen, it is not the institutions, but the spirit
of the people embodied in these institutions, which
makes the two offshoots of that mighty race great,
glorious, and free. It is, therefore, with the highest
gratification that I receive this address at your hands,
Mr. Mayor, and from this corporation. As to my
humble self, conscious of no merit, and never aspiring
to any reputation but that of a plain honest man,
faithful to the duties of a true friend of freedom and of
a patriot, I could not forbear feeling perplexed to see
myself the object of such undeserved honour, were it
not that I am aware your generous manifestation is
intended as an open countenance to the principles of
freedom, of justice, and of popular rights, which my
nation so valiantly struggled for, and which you so
happily enjoy. It is a glorious position which the
English race holds in the world—almost the only free
nation, doubtless the only one whose freedom has to fear
neither the change of time nor the ambition of man,
provided it keep to its institutions—provided the public
spirit of the people continue to safeguard it by adapting
those institutions to the exigencies of the times, and by
a manly resolution never to fail in meeting those exigencies."
He went on to say that the free people of England
cannot be indifferent to the freedom of the rest of
Europe. "The people of England is conscious of its
glorious position, and it knows that, will it conserve
that position, it must not grant to Austrian despots to
dispose of the whole of Europe, but that it must throw
its own weight into the balance of the fate of Europe,
or England will be no European power more. It is
this knowledge which is the source of hope and consolation
to my oppressed nation, as well as to her fellow
nations in the world, because the principles of your
freedom, greatness, and happiness, are bound up in this;
and in the generous sentiments of the people of England
we are positively assured that if the people of England
throw its weight into the balance of the fate of Europe,
the people of England will never side with injustice,
but with right—it will never side with oppression, but
with freedom—it will never side with a few great families,
but with the moral dignity of the people.  I hope
before I leave this country, to see in full activity, and
spread over the whole of these glorious isles, some of
those mighty associations by which you carry
triumphantly every reform, every great principle in this
country. I hope some of these associations will lend
their attention to the solidarity of the independence of