hesitation in declaring that the allegation in question
was wholly unfounded. The subject had never been
mentioned, or even hinted at, during his Italian mission.

On Friday the 7th, the Earl of MlNTO, in reply to
Lord Stanley, entered into some further explanations
touching his entire ignorance of the Pope's intention to
invade the independence of the English Church.

On Monday the 10th, the Marquis of LANSDOWNE
moved an address to the crown to the effect that the
house deeply regretted the misfortune of the Earl of
SHAFTESBURY's inability from infirmity any longer to
execute the duties of his important office, as Chairman
of their Lordships' Committees, a post which he had
filled for thirty-six years; that his necessary absence was
a most serious loss, not only to the house in particular,
but to the public at large; and that the house earnestly
begged leave to recommend his lordship's eminent
services to her Majesty's most gracious consideration.—
The motion was agreed to.

On Tuesday the 11th, Lord ABINGER, in presenting
a petition against Papal Aggression from the county of
Surrey, called the attention of the house to the spread
of Popery throughout the country, and to the disastrous
effects which invariably resulted from the two great
engines of the Roman Catholic priesthood—the celibacy
of the clergy and the practice of confession.

On Thursday the 13th, Lord CAMPBELL presented a
bill to simplify procedure in criminal trials, and stated
that he had been induced to propose such a measure
because the obscurity of the present enactment was such
as to bring discredit on the administration of justice. He
intended to ask leave to refer the bill to a select
committee.—Lord BROUGHAM withdrew his County Courts
bill and brought in a new one. The noble lord also
gave notice of two other bills on the same subject.—The
Earl of CARLISLE presented a petition from the Women
of Sheffield, praying for the enfranchisement of women
by a law giving them electoral privileges.

On Friday the 14th, Lord MONTEAGLE drew attention
to the importance of establishing a communication by
Railway between Halifax and Quebec, and urged the
house not only to advance this great national object,
but to take care that neither the colonial nor the home
government stood in the way of its accomplishment.—
Lord STANLEY supported the object, and counselled
prompt and energetic action, as best suited to the
interests of the country and the honour of the government.
—Earl GREY, in reply, admitted the importance of the
work, and said the subject was occupying the serious
attention of her Majesty's government.

On Tuesday the 18th, the Earl of HARDWICKE
presented a number of petitions complaining of Agricultural
Distress, and then entered into the subject at
considerable length. He quoted letters and local statistics
in proof that Cambridgeshire is in great agricultural
distress; tried to establish from more general political
facts that our exports to the European Continent and to
America have been least when we imported most corn,
and largest when we excluded corn and protected home
agriculture; angrily ridiculed the suggestions made in
some quarters, that noble lords should grow cabbages
and kitchen-stuff for the profitable supply of the towns;
and complained that the landowners are not allowed to
grow tobacco.—The Duke of RICHMOND declared, that
if the farmers are any more taunted with the fewness of
agricultural paupers, they will discharge the immense
masses of labourers whom in charity they now employ
to a quadruple degree beyond the wants of the land;
and if they do this—remember that crime follows idleness.
—The Earl of STRADBOOKE vouched the reduction
of rents in Suffolk; the Earl of WINCHILSEA
averred unprecedented and alarming numerousness of
unemployed labourers; and the Earl of MALMESBURY
criticised Sir James Graham for his exaggerations of the
condition of Cumberland, with its holdings unchanged
and rents punctually paid.—The Earl of GRANVILLE,
Lord WODEHOUSE, and Earl FITZWILLIAM contended
for free trade; admitting the distress of Cambridgeshire
—the harvest in the Fens having been notoriously
disastrous; re-establishing, by fresh proofs, the fact of
general prosperity; and quoting the Journal des Débats
to show that our free-trade example is now producing
imitative legislation throughout Europe and America,
and is deemed by the leading men in France a policy of
which it is "quite impossible there should be any
change." The subject then dropped.

On Monday the 20th, Lord BROUGHAM called the
attention of the house to the Arrears of Business in the
Court of Chancery, and asked the Lord Chancellor if
the government intended to fill up the third Vice-
Chancellorship.—The Lord CHANCELLOR replied that the
government had not intended to fill up the third Vice-
Chancellorship until after they had introduced their
proposed comprehensive measure for Chancery reform;
but there was so much business before the existing
courts, much of which arose, not out of arrears, but
from new causes, that it was most probable the government
would be forced to fill up the vacant Vice-
Chancellorship without waiting to pass their proposed bill.—
Lord CRANWORTH bore testimony to the absolute
necessity of filling up the vacant office, and could not
see that the appointment would in the slightest degree
interfere with any arrangement which might be
contemplated by the government with reference generally
to the Court of Chancery.—Lord STANLEY asked
whether the proposed measure would be introduced in
that or the lower house.—The Lord CHANCELLOR could
not answer that question.

On Monday, the 24th, the Marquis of LANSDOWNE
made a statement of the circumstances which had
caused the resignation of the ministry, and subsequent
occurrences. He said that, on Saturday last, in
consequence of divisions in the lower house, the government
had been induced to resign. On the same day
Lord Stanley was invited to attend at Buckingham
Palace, and, after an audience with her Majesty, stated
that he was not then prepared to form a government.
Lord John Russell had then been requested to reconstruct
an Administration,—a task in which he was
still engaged. Such was the condition of affairs; and,
in conclusion, he could only say that he spoke as a
member of a government which in fact existed no
longer, and that he was its representative only for the
purpose of making this communication to the house.
The noble lord concluded by moving that the house at
its rising should adjourn to Friday.—Lord STANLEY
said it was not his intention to make any comment on
what had fallen from Lord Lansdowne. He could only
say that he had on Saturday the honour of a lengthened
audience with her Majesty, in which he fully and
unreservedly expressed his opinion on the state of the
country. Nothing could exceed the graciousness and
kindness of her Majesty; but he should ill respond to
that kindness were he in the present state of affairs to
reveal anything that had passed on the occasion. He
should, however, be prepared to state fully what had
passed as soon as the present crisis was over.—Their
lordships then adjourned.

In the House or Commons, on Tuesday, the 4th inst.,
the Address, in answer to her Majesty's Speech, was
moved by the Earl of KILDARE, and seconded by Mr.
PETO.—Mr. ROEBUCK expressed the pain he felt at
finding an administration calling itself liberal about to
take a backward step, and at a time, too, when the
minister put into the mouth of the Sovereign
congratulations upon the prosperous state of the country,
the result of the removal of restrictions. He briefly
reviewed the history of Catholic Emancipation, and the
principles on which that measure was founded, which,
he contended, were violated by legislation against
religious distinctions granted by a bishop, called the
Pope. He charged Lord John Russell with dealing
falsely with the country. This so-called territorial
aggression was no new thing; it began years ago, and
had been sanctioned by the noble lord himself; so far
from being an aggression, it was a retrogression on the
part of the Pope. Where was the aggression upon her
Majesty's prerogative because Dr. Wiseman chose to
call himself a cardinal, and put on a large hat and red
stockings? This was an exercise of spiritual authority,
and the noble lord had heretofore declared that the
Pope's spiritual power must be left untouched. The
Roman Catholics had been led to believe by the acts of
the legislature and of the executive government that