which might prevent it taking place, but that as soon
as all public measures of urgency were disposed of, he
would advise an early dissolution of parliament, with a
view to its re-opening hefore the close of the autumn.
It appears to me that this declaration is so far satisfactory.
I think that as matters stand, it would he
advisable for us to proceed at once to consider the naval
and army estimates, and I trust those votes will be
agreed to without much discussion. There is another
class of estimates—I mean the miscellaneous estimates,
about which it is not now necessary to say anything, as
they will come on at a later period, and perhaps we
shall be better informed then as to the intentions of the
government. It is clear, alter the intimation of the
noble lord at the head of the government, that there
will be a dissolution of parliament in May or June, and
such will be the ferment in the country, with a view to
the new elections, and the canvassing of counties and
towns, that I think it will be better if that dissolution
is not delayed longer than the exigencies of the public
service absolutely require. There is only one measure
of which the right honourable gentleman the Secretary
for the Home Department has given notice, I mean
with regard to the regulation of the militia: I am
willing to see such a measure introduced, and I will
offer no obstacle to its introduction; but I do not
give any pledge with regard to it, as when it comes
before the house, they will be able to judge whether it
is such a measure as they think ought to pass; and I
shall be at liberty to form a judgment upon it. With
respect to other measures which the government may
introduce, it will be competent to the house, if they
do not think them to be of urgency or importance,
to cause them to be postponed. Such being the state
of affairs, if the house should coincide with me in that
view, I propose that another day in the week should be
given to the government; and that when the notices
now on the book are disposed of, that Thursday should
he a government day, and that on other days orders of
the day should have precedence."

Lord John RUSSELL afterwards inquired of the Secretary
of State for the Home Department whether he had
rightly understood that no change was to be made in the
constitution of the National Board of Education in
Ireland, or in the system of combined education, which had
been successful in bringing Roman Catholics and
Protestants into the same schools.—Mr. WALPOLE replied
that there was no intention to make any alteration in
the principle of combined education, but it was intended
to consider whether, consistently with that principle,
some alteration might not be made in the mode of
administering the system, which would be more satisfactory
to members of the Established Church.—Mr. OSBORNE
observed, that if Mr. Disraeli had been as explicit in this
house as Lord Derby had been in the other, he should
not have attempted to delay the supplies, and he should
not offer any further opposition. He thought,
however, that Mr. Walpole's explanation as to the national
education system in Ireland was most unsatisfactory and
evasive.

Sir De Lacy EVANS moved a resolution that it is
inconsistent on the part of the government to propose
an Augmentation of the Armed and Paid Forces while
they refuse and discourage offers of gratuitous service,
having for their object the formation of rifle companies
and regiments for the national defence.—Mr. HUME, in
seconding the motion, observed that the statements of
the government in both houses were satisfactory, and it
would be impossible to refuse to appeal to the country
as soon as measures of absolute necessity were passed.
As to the Militia Bill (which Mr. Walpole had promised
to introduce on Monday next), he hoped the government
would reconsider the subject, and not entangle
themselves with a militia bill.—Mr. F. MAULE thought
the government should be allowed to develope their
views upon the subject of a militia.—Sir R. INGLIS
hoped that the acts of Lord J. Russell and those around
him would correspond a little more with their professions
than on Friday.—Mr. BRIGHT suggested that the
Militia Bill, when brought in, should stand over until
after the general election, as one of those measures upon
which the opinion of the country ought to be specifically
asked.—Sir J. TYRELL congratulated the noble lord
upon having come to his senses, and found out the
mistake he had made.—The CHANCELLOR of the
EXCHEQUER congratulated the house and the country
upon the announcement that there was not to be any
further opposition to the granting of supplies. He was
pleased to hear from so high an authority as the leader
of the combined opposition, that there was to be no
further obstruction to public business. The ministers
were not less anxious than the noble lord that an appeal
should be made to the country, as soon as the votes were
passed which were necessary for the service of her
Majesty, and those measures were carried which were
requisite for the security and good government of the
realm.—Mr. WALPOLE having disclaimed any intention
on the part of the government to show anything like
distrust or discouragement towards those who desired
to form volunteer corps, Sir De Lacy Evans withdrew
his resolution.

The house then went into committee, when certain
votes for the army were agreed to, and the committee
then proceeded with the Navy Estimates. On the
navy vote of £ 134,632 for admiralty salaries, Captain
PECHELL asked what were the intentions of government
with regard to the Building of Iron Steamers, the
Patronage of the Dockyard, the South African Squadron,
Naval Retirement, Naval Reserve, the Conveyance of
Specie on board Ships of War, a system fraught with
gross partiality; and Medals for Naval Actions. He
stated that with proper management the navy was
effective for the defence of the country without any
additional expense.—Mr. STAFFORD excused himself
from giving detailed information on the various
questions connected with naval expenditure, on the ground
of the short time he had been in office. As to the building
of iron steamers, there would be considerable
reluctance in the new board to continue it. With regard to
the dockyards, he hoped some plan would be devised by
which deserving naval officers might be rewarded, and
the efficiency of the yards increased. Of the policy of
keeping up the African squadi'on he would give no
opinion; but, whilst it was continued, it would be
maintained in an efficient state. The dead weight of the half-
pay and naval allowances would be kept as low as
possible.—Admiral BERKELEY thought the adoption of the
present estimates, and the course taken by the new
Admiralty Board in general, was a sufficient answer to all
the charges which, while in opposition, they had brought
or supported as against their predecessors. To make
our navy perfectly effective, it was absolutely necessary
we should have a reserve of seamen.—Mr. W. WILLIAMS
animadverted on the enormous charge of maintaining
our dockyards. Of the £ 5,600, 000 now voted for the
navy, only about £ 2,000,000 were necessary for what
might be called the sinews of war, the rest being
expended wastefully, in paying officers who were not
employed, half-pay, dock-yard appointments, and other
similar items. He considered the promotions under the
schemes of 1846 and 1851 as jobs, which had unnecessarily
increased the half-pay. The proposed naval reserve
was unnecessary, if our sailors were in all cases properly
treated.—Some further conversation took place, in the
course of which Sir F. Baring expressed an opinion
adverse to the maintenance of a large fleet in the Channel,
as likely to induce France to take a similar step, and
lead in the end to additional expense; and Captain
SCOBELL offered various suggestions for the improvement
of the navy. In the end the vote was adopted.

Mr. RlCARDO inquired whether it was the intention
of government to alter the present policy with regard
to the Shipping Trade. Mr. HERRIES said, he had
stated before, and he restated now, that to reverse that
most unwise policy would be difficult, and, in some
respects, impossible.—Mr. LABOUCHERE had understood
that this was now considered a settled question, and he
appealed to the state of the ship-building trade as decisive
evidence of the success of the late policy. At no
period had there been such activity in our great ship-
building yards as at present. Mr. G. F. YLUNG, on
the other hand, declared that the ship-building trade
was in a most disastrous condition. He referred to
recent returns, showing that, while British tonnage
was declining, foreign tonnage had increased.—Mr. W.
BROWN, on the contrary, read statements which proved