23rd.—Convicts Prison (Ireland) Bill read a second time.—
Supply: Estimate for prisoners of war.—Stamp Acts Bill
reported.

The following are the recent changes in the distribution
of offices in the government—The Duke of Newcastle
retains the duties of Secretary of State for War,
and relinquishes the Colonies; Sir George Grey succeeds
his grace in the latter department; Lord Granville has
resigned the office of Lord President of the Council to
Lord John Russell, who is to fill that post without being
raised to the peerage, and still retains the leadership of
the House of Commons. Lord Granville has retired for
the present upon the Chancellorship of the Duchy of
Lancaster, with a seat in the Cabinet, that office being
vacated for the purpose by Mr. Strutt.

A public demonstration in favour of the Nationality
of Poland was made at Sheffield on the 5th inst.
Alderman Solly presided over a meeting of about twelve
or thirteen thousand persons. M. Kossuth addressed
the meeting at great length, and with his usual
eloquence, mainly endeavouring to show that England
would be neglecting her duty by marrying herself with
Austria in the present war; that England would be
warring with and for despotism; that there is no sincerity
in the aim of the war—to preserve Turkey and
check Russia—unless Poland be reconstructed an
independent nation, and Hungary be independent and free;
that the war is popular in England, because England—
that is, the people—believe the war to be waged in
behalf of oppressed nationalities; but that to sue for
and accept the alliance of Austria would be to fight
against freedom and the oppressed. A petition was
then agreed to, in accordance with the spirit of M.
Kossuth's address, to be presented to the House of
Lords by Earl Fitzwilliam and to the Commons by Mr.
Roebuck. In the evening another meeting took place
in the Music Hall, where M. Kossuth made a much
longer speech, advocating the nationality of Poland.

Lord John Russell, who had vacated his seat for
London by accepting the office of President of the
Council, was again Returned on the 14th inst., without
opposition, Mr. Urquhart, who had intimated his intention
to stand, not having done so. Lord John's speech,
on being declared duly elected, related almost exclusively
to the great topic of the day, the war with Russia.
After having reviewed the circumstances which led to
this war, he proceeded to the manner in which it is to
he carried on, on which subject he made the following
important remarks, which formed the conclusion of his
speech:—"Let me remark, in the first place, that it
was observed by a member of the House of Commons,
and most truly, when we were embarking in this war,
that it was not a war in which we could expect those
advantages which had attended other wars; that the
conquests of islands, such islands, for instance, as
Jamaica and Trinidad, could not he achieved over a
power like Russia. Indeed, there are none of the
possessions of Russia which, if they were offered to us,
I should be disposed to accept; there are none which I
am disposed to covet. But, more than this, we have all
venerated the glories of Nelson, of St. Vincent, and of
Camperdown; but the victories which they gained were
victories achieved over an enemy who came out into the
open sea to meet them, and who in fair fight were
encountered by the valour and the prowess of our admirals
and our sailors. We have now to deal with an enemy
who encloses his ships in walls of granite; who places
them behind stone walls and batteries of guns, and who
has never ventured to meet Dundas or Napier in the
open sea. If he did, no doubt those gallant admirals
would be able, in the nautical phrase, to give a good
account of the Russian fleets. What they will be able
to accomplish as matters stand it is not for me, it is not
for any of us, to decide. All I know is, that we have
given the commands to gallant and skilful admirals;
that all that gallantry and skill can do they will accomplish;
that they are worthy sons of England, and that
we ought to rest satisfied that that which can be
accomplished they will accomplish; that that which they will
leave undone could not be done by human courage and
human skill. But, gentlemen, we have done that which
has not been done in some former wars—we have at the
very commencement of the war sent a land army for the
defence of our allies. You all know that our military
means are far inferior to those of the great continental
monarchs; that we do not pour out our eighty or hundred
thousand men by conscription to swell the ranks
of our army; that our army is raised solely from
volunteers, and by voluntary enrolment, and therefore we
never do send armies—and I do not know that the lovers
of the constitution would wish that we should send
armies of one hundred and fifty or two hundred
thousand men into the field. But even the army that we
have sent has already been the means of sending troops
to a Turkish fortress which surrendered in the last war
to the arms of Russia—I mean the fortress of Varna,
and has thus enabled the brave and able commander of
the Turkish troops to add a considerable reinforcement
to his army; and, I trust, will enable him to cope with
the Russians in the enterprises which they are about to
undertake. Well, now, gentlemen, I have said to you
that I think it should be our endeavour to obtain a
desirable, a solid, and an honourable peace. Now, I
should be guilty of the greatest presumption—I should
be guilty of a breach of the most solemn duty, if I were
to say what are the terms which, in the opinion of her
Majesty's government, would make peace honourable,
solid, and durable. That is a question not merely for
her Majesty's government; it is to be decided along
with the ally of 'her Majesty, the Emperor of the French;
we may have to consult other powers, if other powers
should, as I hope they will, stand by our side in this
conflict for the independence of Europe. But, more
than this, the exact terms of that peace must depend
upon the fortune of war, must depend upon the success
with which we encounter the embattled legions of
Russia. My hope is, that the war will meet with the
success which from its object and its motive it deserves.
But this I will say, that no insufficient peace ought to
be made; that we ought not to lay down our arms until we
have obtained security that, having made the great
exertions that we have done, that having our eyes open to
the designs of Russia, and that the other nations of
Europe having their eyes open likewise, we should he
the most silly of mortals if we were to sign an insecure
peace, which would leave it to our present enemy to
bide his time until, by the dissensions of the other
powers—until, by the weakness of some of those powers,
he should find a better opportunity of accomplishing his
design. Let us consider for a moment what that design
is. I believe that, from no unfair interpretation of that
which has been said by the Emperor of Russia himself,
it is, that the Principalities which he now occupies, and
Bulgaria, should be severed altogether from Turkey,
and be held under his protection—it is, that Constantinople
itself should not be occupied by the present
government, or by any free government which should
harbour those who might be considered his enemies—it
is, that Constantinople should be, like St. Petersburg
and Warsaw, subject to Russian protection and to
Russian influence. I say to you at once, that such a
consummation would be fatal to the liberties of England,
and I ask you to aid us in opposing such a consummation.
I believe that British hearts, and British courage,
and British means are equal to obtain for us, in
conjunction with our allies, in conjunction with the
sympathies of Europe, and not of Europe only, but of the
world, complete success; and I earnestly pray that God
may give victory to her Majesty's arms."

NARRATIVE OF LAW AND CRIME

At the Marlborough Street Police Court, on the 29th
ult., Edward Cooper, and Emma Cooper, his wife,
were charged with attempting to Pick Pockets in Regent
street. The prisoners were dressed most respectably,
and had the look of well-to-do country folks. A police
constable said he had seen them walking about Regent
street in awkward country fashion, naming against well-
dressed people and pushing themselves into places before
shop windows, wherever ladies stopped to gaze. He also
saw the man with his hands in his coat pockets, spread the
tails of his coat so as to screen the actions of the woman,
who tipped the pockets of several ladies as they passed