at the Mechanics' Institute; Mr. Absolom Watkin in
the chair. The principal speakers were the Borough
Members, Mr. Cobden, and Mr. Bright, who declared
his adhesion to the principles of the Association. Mr.
Bright, in explaining what induced him to join the
Association, put in the van of his reasons the fact that
there now seems a prospect of doing something. He
combated the arguments of Mr. Baines and Mr. Miall,
who contend that State interference enfeebles a people,
decreases their freedom, and destroys the springs of
voluntary exertions. He pointed to the example of
the people of the United States, who certainly are not
less free or less strong because they have a system of
public education. Both Mr. Bright and Mr. Gibson
strongly insisted on the material elements of the scheme
of the Association, local rates, local management, and
liberty of conscience. "Why," said Mr. Gibson, "were
their municipalities to be deprived of the power of
managing the schools, when the constitution vested in them
so many important powers of governing in their different
localities? Why was the Committee of the Council to
direct all the important principles of management of
these schools, so that the local municipal bodies would
become mere agencies for carrying out the routine of
business pointed out by the Committee of Council in
London? It could never be agreed to; and it was entirely
at variance with the policy which had been pursued
in this country upon which they were wont to pride
themselves when they talked of the confusion and
disorders of other states. If there was one thing more
important than another to be kept in the hands of the
people—if they were to be rated for it—it was the
management of their schools; that they might not,
supported by public taxes, be made the instrument of
circulating any particular views which the government
might desire, and so be open to the reproach which such
schools were open to in foreign countries, where, although
there was a public education, yet being directed by, and
in the hands of the government, it was very often moulded
to purposes adverse to the true interests of the people."
Mr. Cobden endeavoured to show the error of Mr.
Baines in regarding the question of education as
one inseparably connected with the operations of
religious training. There are five millions of people
in Great Britain who do not go either to church or
chapel; how can religious organisations reach them?
It is said that secular education will promote infidelity:
no such thing—the first step to bring these people to
the churches and chapels will be to tempt their children
to schools. Mr. Cobden declared his disbelief in the
existence of active scepticism in the country: all the sceptics
could be put into a drawing-room, and be as harmless
a clique as any drawing-room ever contained. Dr.
M'Kerrow and Dr. Watts also addressed the meeting,
which lasted till a late hour.

Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton was inaugurated into the
office of President of the Associated Societies of
Edinburgh University, at a meeting assembled for the
purpose on the 18th instant. The hall was quite crowded
by ladies and gentlemen, and among the gentlemen on
the platform were—the Lord Advocate, Lord Robertson,
Lord Curriehill, Sir A. Alison, Bart., Mr. Stirling, of
Keir, M.P., Mr. Cowan, M.P., the Professors of the
University, and numerous well-known clergymen and
gentlemen.—The Lord Advocate, in a few words,
introduced the hon. baronet to the meeting. Sir E. B.
Lytton then delivered an eloquent address—He
commenced by alluding to the poets of Scotland, and said
that the first poets who charmed him from play in the
holidays of school were Campbell and Scott, and the
first historians who clothed for him with life the
shadows of the past, were Robertson and Hume. He
then referred to the distinguished individuals of the
University of Edinburgh, glanced at the medical schools
of Scotland, and spoke of the learned fame of its capital.
He paid an eloquent tribute to Macaulay, and then spoke
of the points which were essential for excellence in
study. His leading proposition in this respect was, that,
whether in active life or in letters and research, a man
would always be eminent according to the vigilance with
which he observed. He was, he said, no believer in
genius without labour. His next topic was the importance
of classical studies. Every professor who encouraged
the young, he said, would tell them how the ancient
masterpieces of classic writers have served modern
Europe with models to guide the taste and excite
emulation. He then glanced at religion, observing that,
in his opinion, no man would ever go very far wrong
who by the mere habit of thanksgiving and prayer, was
forced to examine his conscience, even but once a day,
and remember that the eye of the Almighty was upon
him. In conclusion, he alluded to the present agitation
for Scottish rights. "It would ill become me (he said)
to enter into the special grounds of debate now at issue;
but permit me to remind you that, while pressing with
your accustomed spirit for whatever you may deem to
be equal rights, you would be untrue to your own fame
if you did not feel that the true majesty of Scotland
needs neither the pomp of courts nor the blazonry of
heralds. What though Holyrood be desolate—what
though no king holds revel in its halls?—the empire of
Scotland has but extended its range; and, blended with
England, under the daughter of your ancient kings,
peoples the Australian wilds that lay beyond the grasp of
Columbus, and rule over the Indian realm that eluded
the grasp of Alexander. That empire does not suffice
for you. It may decay—it may perish. More grand is
the domain you have won over human thought, and
identified with the eternal progress of intellect and
freedom. From the charter of that domain, no
ceremonial can displace the impression of your zeal. In the
van of that progress no blazon can flaunt before that old
lion of Scotland (pointing to the flag suspended opposite).
This is the empire that you will adorn in peace; this is
the empire that, if need be, you will defend in war. It
is not here that I would provoke one difference in
political opinion; but surely you, the sons of Scotland,
who hold both fame and power upon the same tenure as
that which secures civilisation from lawless force—surely
you are not the men who could contemplate with folded
arms the return of the dark ages, and quietly render up
the haven that commands Asia on the one side and
threatens Europe on the other, to the barbaric ambition
of some Alaric of the north. But, whether in reluctant
war or in happier peace, and in your various callings,
continue to maintain for Scotland her sublime alliance
with every power of mind that can defend or instruct,
soothe or exalt humanity." At the conclusion, Lord
Robertson moved, "That the societies tender their
warmest thanks to their President for his visit, and for
his unrivalled address" which proposal was warmly
responded to.

At the annual meeting of the Manchester Commercial
Association, the President, Mr. Aspinall Turner, opened
the proceedings with a speech touching on two of the
most interesting topics of the day—the strikes, and the
coming war. He pointed out the importance of capital
as an element in production; and combated the fallacy
of the working-men, that the capitalist owes his fortune
solely to his operatives, and shares unduly in the profits of
trade. There is (he observed) a contest for the market
itself; and one effect of the attacks on capital both
by the workman and by legislation, would be to drive
capital from the country. He himself had been asked to
commence works out of England, but he was not un-
English enough to do so. If we do not fight the battle
with energy, we shall lose it. He had heard for some
time rumours of war. It is a new cry in this country,
and one which it is very much to be lamented we have
heard raised against us. The government of the country
have shown wonderful forbearance in endeavouring
to stave off any possibility of our being engaged in war.
Some people think that they have been rather too
cautious—too dilatory in their proceedings: but he was
willing to attribute only the best motives: for certainly
war in any form is one of the most disastrous events
both for the comfort of this country and that in which
it may be carried on. We scarcely know what war is in
this country, and long may it be before we have it located
upon our shores. It will be disastrous whenever it takes
place. He believed we little know, and he thought our
opponents, if we are to have them, little know, the
strength and power which could be put forth when
England is really roused to the force she possesses.
He hoped, if we were drawn into this position, that
we should not use the power ineffectually; he hoped, in