negotiations, to make out that had ministers adopted a
firmer and more direct course peace would have been
insured. Had a straightforward question been put to
the Emperor of Russia, he felt sure a straightforward
answer would have been given; but if such an answer
had not been given, our course would have been clear.
He complained that Vienna had been chosen as the seat
of negociations, and Russia admitted to them while
Turkey was not. He endeavoured to show that the
Emperor of Russia had proceeded to extremities because
he believed England would neither go to war nor act in
a cordial manner with the French government. He
charged against the British ministers, that they had
checked and damped the energy of the French government.
He contended that Russia should be called to
account; and that England should never sanction
anything so disgraceful as the renewal of the old treaties
between Turkey and Russia.—The Earl of CLARENDON
said that in his opinion Lord Clanricarde would have
acted with more justice to her Majesty's government if
he had reserved his observations upon the subject of
their foreign policy until after the papers had been laid
upon the table. No one could regret more than he did
that such information had not been given at an earlier
period, because it would have prevented much
misrepresentation. But ministers believed it right not to depart
from the established practice of this country: and he
was neither afraid nor ashamed to say that the
maintenance of peace had been their great object. But if
we were to embark in war, he must say, that never had
the tranquillity of the world been more wantonly
disturbed, or at a moment when it more became England
and France to stand forward in opposition to aggression.
Over and over again the Emperor of Russia had affirmed
that the maintenance of the Ottoman empire was a
European necessity. His past conduct thus offered some
guarantee for the future; and, indeed, up to the end of
April last, her Majesty's government had no reason to
believe that there existed any other cause of difference
between Russia and Turkey except that of the Holy
Places. Russia assured the Powers that she entered the
principalities only temporarily, and as a material
guarantee for the satisfaction of her demands upon
Turkey. It was evident then, in the interests of peace
and of the Sultan, that England should endeavour to
reconcile the existing differences, though there couid be
no doubt that the invasion was a casus belli; and in so
doing, he was glad to say that the British and French
governments had been one in council as they would be
one in action. Reserving all details of the question
until the papers were laid on the table, he must say that
if Russia did not accept the terms that were now
proposed by Turkey, she would be the sole obstacle to
peace, and upon her would rest all the responsibility of
war. Still, when the horrible disaster of Sinope
occurred, her Majesty's government, in conjunction with
that of France, determined at once to protect not only the
Ottoman territory but the Ottoman flag; and, as in
honour bound, they sent notice of their intentions to the
Russian admiral at Sebastopol, and to the Russian
government at St. Petersburgh. This was the present
state of the question, and he hoped that when the papers
were produced it would be found that nothing had been
done inconsistent with the honour and dignity of the
country.—The Earl of MALMESBURY called attention to
the fact that the royal speech made no reference to the
part taken by Austria and Prussia in the recent
negociations, and said it was a remarkable omission. He
then referred to the speeches at Carlisle and Halifax
against the Emperor of the French, and said that these
speeches, combined with the tone of the coalition press
towards France, had placed the Emperor of Russia
under great misapprehension as to the harmony which
existed between the two countries. When Colonel
Rose sent for the fleet eastward, we had then the very
best opportunity of assuring Russia of the firmness of
the British and French alliance. Similar opportunities
had been lost on subsequent occasions, and he agreed
with the Marquis of Clanricarde that wiser counsels and
greater vigour, at an earlier moment, would have
prevented the impending war.—Earl Grey, whilst
suspending his opinion upon the whole policy of her
Majesty's government until he had read the papers,
must say that at present it appeared to him to stand
greatly in need of explanation and vindication. In the
first place, he was not sure that we had any interest in
supporting Turkey at all; and in the next, if we had
any interest in supporting Turkey, it would take much
to convince him that we ought not to have interposed
earlier. Yet, if we were on the eve of war, let it be
carried on with vigour. Let no considerations of ill-
timed economy prevent the government from calling
upon the country for whatever sacrifices might be necessary,
in order to inflict upon Russia the heaviest blows
in every quarter, so that the contest might be closed as
speedily as possible. He hoped, too, that they would
adopt measures for the employment of young and
vigorous officers, known to possess military talent, and
for reforming the vicious organisation of the war
departments. At the same time he suggested that it would
be inconvenient to bring in a new reform bill at a time
when parliament would be involved in a discussion of the
measures which a state of war would render necessary.
—The Earl of DERBY said there was one subject alluded
to in the speech in which, from the office he had the
honour to hold, he naturally felt great interest. He
alluded to the subject of University reform. Whilst
there was room for very considerable improvement in
the discipline, management, and studies of the
universities, he was bound to say that there was a well-
considered determination to adapt their teachings more and
more to the requirements of modern life. The alterations
and reforms proposed by the government, in order to be
ultimately beneficial, must be made with caution and
prudence by the authorities of the universities and
colleges themselves, and not through the well-meant,
but not always judicious, intervention of the House of
Commons, or even of their lordships' house. The
measure of her Majesty's government, he hoped, would
be rather of an enabling character, by which the
authorities of the universities might have the means of making
such reforms as were necessary. Having noticed several
omissions in the royal speech, the noble earl referred to
the state of our relations in the east. He asked whether
we were in a state of war or not? When the papers
were produced, he hoped they would be found to define
the exact position of our fleet in the Black Sea. We
professed to be at peace, but while we convoyed the
ships and ammunition of one party, and prevented the
other from leaving their ports, we were undoubtedly in
a state of war. He did not blame the government for
having used their best endeavours to preserve the peace
of the world, but he did complain that the means taken
by the government to maintain peace were those best
calculated to produce war. The whole policy of Russia
for the last one hundred and fifty years had been a
policy of aggression. Such being her character, the
mode in which she should be encountered was by a frank
and open expression of the point beyond which England
would not allow her to go. If this course had been
taken earlier, we should now have been in a different
position to that in which we found ourselves. The
Emperor of Russia, indeed, had great cause to complain of
the manner in which he had been treated by her
Majesty's ministers, for he had been led to believe that
under no provocation would measures of vigorous
warfare be adopted, and that there was no cordial union
with France as against Russia. At the same time, if
we were to be involved in war, provided the objects of
it were, as he thought they were in this case, laudable,
and honourable, and right, then he concurred with Earl
Grey that it would be inexpedient to introduce a new
reform bill at such a time, for such a measure was
sure to excite much opposition, and to engender a
state of feeling which, under such circumstances,
might be productive of considerable inconvenience.
He recommended, however, that as her Majesty's
government intended to introduce a measure for the
prevention of bribery and corruption, they should bring
in another for the prevention of intimidation. Before
he sat down, he must refer to one question upon which
parliament would neglect its duty if it abstained from
commenting. For twelve days the country had been
without a minister for the home department. He therefore
asked the noble earl at the head of the government
to give some explanation of the cause of the resignation