evening and placed in his hands a note, announcing that
the answer given by Lord Clarendon to his enquiries
was not of a kind that permitted him to continue
diplomatic relations with this country, and that therefore
they were suspended. Baron Brunnow took leave on
Saturday evening, but as it was too late to depart. Lord
Clarendon understood he was to leave London early on
Monday. Lord Clarendon promised in the course of the
week to lay before the house the note of Baron Brunnow,
the despatch of the Russian government, and his
own answer.—The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH said, he had
always thought and said that the dispute must terminate
in war; and he now did not regret the postponement
of discussion, because any retrospect of the conduct
of government could not be profitable in the slightest
degree. But he should deeply regret if ministers were
deluded by anything that has recently taken place into
relaxing, indeed into not increasing, their preparations
for war. I have no doubt (said Lord Ellenborough)
we are at the commencement of one of the most
formidable wars in which this country has ever been
engaged. I deeply regret that the people of this
country do not appear at all aware of the magnitude
and probable duration or the dismal consequences of
that war. It is undoubtedly true that it is a war for
which this country is not responsible, nor are her
Majesty's ministers responsible for it. I acquit them
altogether. I think that whatever they have said on
the subject has been said with ability, and that they
have been ably seconded by the various gentlemen holding
diplomatic appointments at the different European
courts: but I do conjure ministers to increase to the
utmost possible extent the preparations for immediate
war. War is inevitable; and what is absolutely essential
to the preservation of the best interests of this country
is, that on the breaking up of the ice we shall show a
superior fleet in the Baltic. Are we able to do that?
If we be not, ministers are most deeply responsible to
the country; for they have had their eyes opened, and
could not have been in ignorance of the danger pressing
upon us. I will say no more now. I desire that your
lordships should have the opportunity of considering the
whole subject: but what I now earnestly press ministers
to do is to increase to the utmost extent the
preparations for immediate war, and for a war which will
be one of the greatest in which this country has ever
engaged."—Lord CLANRICARDE concurred in much
that had fallen from Lord Ellenborough. He agreed
in thinking that the war would turn out to be "one
of the most disastrous on which we ever entered." "I
do not mean to this country, but to humanity." But
he could not agree that a retrospect would be useless.
Ministers are not entirely irresponsible for the present
state of affairs. What had been said by ministers and
their agents abroad had been said with ability; but
very often the right thing had not been said, and much
ought to have been said that was left unsaid. The
present state of things cannot continue long. He
would bring forward the motion on Tuesday week.—
Earl FITZWILLIAM agreed with Lord Clanricarde that
the present state of things could not last long. In bis
opinion, the present state of things had already lasted
much too long. Whether ministers deserved credit for
the whole of the negociations in which they had been
engaged, or whether it was the opinion of any man that
in some particular parts of the negociations they may
have failed, of this he was sure, that it is the duty of
every man to afford them the strongest support when
they shall be engaged in that war with which we are
threatened. Whether the country is aware of the
tremendous character of the conflict, he would not stop
to discuss; but he was sure, from the communications he
had had, that there never was a war in which the
government was more cordially supported than it will
be in that in which we are about to engage.—Lord
BEAUMONT could not help observing, that the reply of
Lord Clarendon was more meagre than was desirable.
If he understood rightly, the Emperor of Russia had
refused to consent to the last note from Vienna; and
not only refused, but had offered new terms of such a
nature that the Powers could not possibly admit them.
Further negociations must consequently' be altogether
out of the question.—Lord CLARENDON was sorry his
answer had been thought meagre. He assured Lord
Beaumont and Lord Fitzwilliam. that he had held out
no expectations that fresh negociations may be entered
into, and that peace may still be preserved. These
negociations had now been brought to a close at Vienna;
but, anxious to satisfy the house, he had added that
new proposals put forward by Russia were wholly
unacceptable, and "therefore there was an end of them."
It was true that Count Orloff, having executed that
particular portion of his mission that referred to the
relations subsisting between Russia and Austria, and
being about to depart from Vienna, had prolonged his
stay; but what object he had in this, Lord Clarendon
was unable to state. As to the question relative to
instructions to the British minister at St. Petersburgh,
Lord Clarendon said—"As it was half-past six o'clock
on Saturday when Baron Brunnow called upon me, and
as it was necessary in this, as in all other measures we
have adopted, or shall adopt, to have previous
communication with the French government, it was not
possible at the moment to send instructions to our
minister at St. Petersburgh. But we have already
held communication with the French ambassador on
the subject; and instructions will be sent to Sir George
Seymour and General Castelbajac to-morrow, which
will place them on exactly the same footing as the
Russian ambassador here, and diplomatic relations
between the two countries and Russia will be suspended."
[This statement evidently made a strong impression on
the house.]

On Tuesday, Feb. 7th, Lord MONTEAGLE called the
attention of the house to the Frequency of Railway
Accidents. He asked the Vice-President of the Board
of Trade, whether he would object to lay before the
house, as speedily as possible, tbe returns of railway
accidents down to tbe present period; and also to keep
parliament informed of such accidents as occur, from
time to time? It was some since any efficient returns
had been laid before them; and unless public attention
were immediately called to the facts, efficient responsibility
would never be re-established. As to the excuses
offered by companies for accidents, he attached no
importance whatever to them. They were asked to
compare the number of accidents with the number of
persons who travel; and they were told that the question
should be passed by with indifference, the proportion is
so small. He could not recognise that doctrine; for so
long as any accident occurred which could have been
averted, they were bound to inquire into it. Not the
proportion, but the actual damage to life and limb, must
be looked to.—Earl FITZWILLIAM suggested, that there
were certain reasons—he would not exactly say what—
that might render it desirable to commence legislation
on the subject in the House of Lords. Perhaps it might
not be desirable to state the reasons openly, but he left
them to the silent contemplation of the government.—
Lord STANLEY of Alderley said that government was
anxious to apply a practical remedy to the evil. The
President of the Board of Trade had given notice that
he intends to introduce a measure which might correct
some of the evils; and the fact that a committee of the
other house had inquired into and reported upon the
subject, afforded a reason why the measure should be
first introduced into the other house. Great convenience,
however, would result from Lord Monteagle's suggestion;
and he proposed not only that tbe reports of the
accidents of last year should be laid on the table, but
that reports of accidents as they occur should at once
be published.—Earl GREY said he was not sanguine
that the other house would send up an effectual bill.
But their lordships had the power in their own hands.
They might determine not to grant any new powers for
amalgamation or extension without a thorough inquiry
how the companies have used for the public interests the
power already possessed, or without inserting in the bill
such clauses as may be necessary for the efficient protection
of the public. Great abuses in railway management
prevailed; the most common was that of companies
fighting against companies at the expense of others.—
Lord CAMPBELL was of opinion that new legislation on
the subject is indispensably necessary. The rights of her
Majesty's subjects are not sufficiently protected. He
pointed out two defects in the present laws. One is,