expenditure. Whatever tlieir decision, he called upon
them not to potter over blue-books and raise small
objections at the risk of creating disunion and delay.
If there were serious grounds of complaint, let them be
urged manfully, and the ministry put definitively upon
their defence; but let the machine of government move
on in any case, at a crisis when it could not be arrested
for a moment without serious peril—Lord Dudley
STUART said, that throughout his recent travels in the
East, he had heard but opinion, that if some firm and
bold minister had occupied the place of Lord Aberdeen,
the Russians would never have ventured to cross the
Pruth. One word also he heard repeated everywhere,
and that word was "Palmerston."—Mr. ROEBUCK
defended the conduct of the ministry in a situation which
he considered exceedingly delicate. If they had rushed
hastily into war, the first to condemn them would be
the opponents who now condemned them for temerity.
Nor did he see reason to conclude that the earlier
assumption of an hostile attitude would have stopped
the Czar. At present their chief duty was to prove
that the English people were united and in earnest;
that having spared no effort to preserve peace, they
would meet war with corresponding energy. The hon.
member proceeded to show the importance to England
of maintaining Turkish independence, denounced the
barbarism of Russia, and urged that the present moment
was not the time for finding fault with past diplomacy.
He, however, called on the ministry to state clearly
what they intended to do.—Lord J. RUSSELL responded
to this appeal, and began by remarking upon the
variety and in some degree inconsistency, of the attacks
to which the government had been subjected. Then
recapitulating the leading events of the dispute, urged
a heavy accusation against Russia, whose conduct in
regard to her first pretensions was pure deception. The
British government, he contended, had shown
themselves always on their guard, and had encountered each
move with decisive opposition. When the Russians
invaded the Principalities, it was by Lord Stratford's
advice that war was not immediately proclaimed. Time
was then wanted, Turkey not being prepared for
resistance. After the fleets had arrived near Constantinople,
their delay in entering the Black Sea arose
entirely from the then impending change in the French
embassy at the Porte. The French admiral refused to
obey the orders of a departing ambassador; the
successor of M. de la Cour took at first another view of the
matter. The first rejection by Russia of the proposals
of the four powers showed a grievous disregard to the
peace of Europe, and the counter-propositions sent
from St. Petersburg embraced all the old claims of
Russia, with an additional demand for the extradition
of refugees. Count Buol, who presented it to the
conference at Vienna, avowedly refrained from
recommending it for their acceptance. Referring to the last
note of the Emperor of the French to the Czar, he
remarked that it contained no concession to Russia, but
could entertain no hope that it would be accepted.
Austria and Prussia had been found slow and timid to
assert their independence of Russian influence; but
Germany was at last awaking to the sense of its
dignity, and, if not altogether co-operating with us, already
gave us their sympathies, and would be ready hereafter
to aid us with their arms. England and France now
proposed that Turkey should engage not to agree to any
peace without their consent. That proposal had not
been formally put, but he doubted not of its acceptance.
I beg here to say (Lord John continued) that, in entering
upon that contest, we shall have the greatest
confidence in, and reliance upon, our French ally. The
conduct of the Emperor of the French during the whole
of these transactions, in our repeated and almost daily
intercommunications, has been so open, so frank, and so
straightforward, that it is impossible not to place the
utmost reliance on him and in his government. "With
respect to the exertions it may be necessary for us to
make, without at present speaking of the efforts we may
hereafter be called upon to use, but confining myself to
what, at the very beginning of this struggle, it will be
incumbent on us to adopt, I beg to state that we shall
think it necessary, in the estimates for the year, to add
no less a sum than £3,000,000 of money to the amount
that was asked for last year. It may be said that this is
a large increase of our naval and army establishments.
But, I say again, that these resources are necessary; but
at the same time, if you think that the direction to be
given to them can be better confided to other hands,
declare that to be your opinion by some early vote, and
place the direction of the resources of this empire in
more skilful and abler hands. But if you do not take
that course, and you confide them to us, then we shall
expect your confidence in allowing us to carry on these
transactions according to the best of our judgment,
without which confidence no success can possibly take
place. Recollect that success in war depends upon
secrecy—depends upon combination, depends upon
rapidity, and that it is inconsistent with success to
explain your operations. I am not asking too much,
therefore, when I ask you to adopt one or the other of
those alternatives, and either place the government of
the war in other hands, or, if not, then to give to us
that confidence which is necessary successfully to carry
it on. It is not to be forgotten that war brings with it
increased burdens. If the people are not prepared to
bear those burdens, let them not enter into this war;
but let them, if they do enter into this war, endeavour
to carry it to a successful issue. For my part, if most
unexpectedly the Emperor of Russia should recede from
his former demands, and at the sight of all Europe
disapproving his conduct, and of two of the most
considerable nations of Europe being prepared to act in
arms, if necessary, against him, he should acknowledge
the independence and integrity of the Porte in the only
manner in which it could be satisfactorily done—I shall,
and we shall, rejoice to be spared the efforts and the
burdens of a conflict. But, if that is not to be, and if peace
is no longer consistent with our duty to England, with
our duty to Europe, and with our duty to the world—
if the ambition of this enormous power has got to such a
pitch that even its moderation is more ambitious than
the ambition of other states—if Russia will not be
contented with anything less than the subjugation of the
whole empire of Turkey and the possession of Constantinople
itself—if such are her feelings and such are her
objects—then we can only endeavour to enter into this
contest with a stout heart. May God defend the right!
and, for my part, I shall willingly share the burden and
the responsibility. [Lord John sat down amid loud and
prolonged cheering from all parts of the house.]—A
motion for adjourning the debate having been made,
Lord J. RUSSELL expressed a wish that the vote for the
increased number of men would be passed at once.—Mr.
DISRAELI, speaking to the motion for adjournment,
complimented the noble lord on his speech, which,
though full of fallacies, was, he said, worthy of his
high position. If the choice had been left to himself,
Mr. Disraeli admitted that he should have selected
another opportunity for discussing the question. But as
the debate had commenced, he insisted that the whole
subject should be fully analysed, and the sentiments of
every party proclaimed to the world.—Lord J. RUSSELL,
after obtaining an intimation that the vote of supply
would not be opposed ultimately, consented to the
motion, and the debate was adjourned to Monday.

On Monday, the 20th, the adjourned debate on the
Eastern Question was resumed by Mr. COBDEN, who
spoke at great length to show the entire impolicy of
going to war with Russia for such an object as supporting
the independence of Turkey. Lord J. MANNERS and
Mr. HORSMAN spoke in answer to the arguments of Mr.
Cobden.—Mr. DRUMMOND said the country was going
to war without knowing what it was for. He drew a
ludicrous picture of the indecent squabbles, of which the
Holy Sepulchre was the inappropriate scene, and asked
why the country had not been told all this a year ago,
when the whole difference would have been extinguished
by a storm of ridicule and laughter. He exposed what
he considered to be the futility of the plea that the war was
entered upon to support the balance of power, observing
that, supposing that to be the object, it would be still
impossible to prevent its being a religious war. If
however, the government were determined to go to war, and
to humble Russia, let them strike a blow at the heart of
Russia, and proclaim the restoration of the kingdom of
Poland.—Mr. I. BUTT, before voting a supply, wished