10th.—Ministers' Money, Sir John Young's Bill read a first
time.—Marine Mutiny Bill passed through Committee.—Bill
authorising Issue of Exchequer Bills read a second time.—
Select Committee appointed on Ventilation of the House.
13.—Reform Club Dinner, Questions respecting it.—Mr.
Milnes' motion respecting the Greek Insurrection.
14th.—Book of Common Prayer, Mr. Heywood's Motion
carried.—Declarations instead of Oaths, Mr. Pellatt's Bill,
leave given to bring in.—Irish Law of High Treason Bill read
a first time.—Property Disposal Bill read a first time.
15th.—Payment of Wages Bill read a second time.
16th.—Correspondence with Russia, Mr Disraeli's
Question.—Laws of Mortmain, leave given to Mr. Headlam to bring
in Bill.—Endowed Grammar Schools, Mr Pellatt's motion.
17th.—University of Oxford Bill read a first time.—Rights
of Neutrals, Mr. M. Gibson's motion.—Ways and Means,
Income Tax.—Russian Correspondence laid on the table.
20th.—Committee of Ways and Means, Income Tax.—Ministers'
Money (Ireland) Bill read a second time.—Colonial Clergy
Disabilities Bill read a second time.—Bills for Prevention of
Bribery and Corruption at Canterbury, Cambridge,
Barnstaple, Kingston-upon-Hull, and Maldon, leave to bring them
in given the Attorney-General.—Libraries and Museums Bill
brought in and read a first time.
21st.—High Treason (Ireland) Bill read a second time.—
Income Tax Resolution reported.
22nd.—Income Tax Bill read a first time.—Simony Law
Amendment Bill thrown out.—Payment of Wages (Hosiery)
Bill read a second time.—Irish Bankruptcy Bill read a first
time.—Carlisle Canonries Bill read a first time.
23rd.—Mortmain Bill read a first time.—Income Tax Bill
read a second time.—Medical Practitioners Bill read a second
time.
24th.—Adjourned debate on second reading of Law of Settlement
Bill.—Income Tax Bill committed.
The following are the regiments which will form the
army under the command of Lord Raglan:—The third
battalion of Grenadier Guards, the first of the
Coldstreams, and the first of the Scotch Fusileers; the second
battalion of the Rifle Brigade; the first battalion of the
First Foot; the Fourth, Seventh, Nineteenth, Twenty-
third, Twenty-eighth, Thirtieth, Thirty-third, Thirty-
eighth, Forty-first, Forty-second, Forty-fourth, Forty-
seventh, Forty-ninth, Fiftieth, Fifty-fifth, Seventy-
seventh, Seventy-ninth, Eighty-eighth, Ninety-third,
and Ninety-fifth. There will thus be in the expeditionary
army twenty-two battalions of the Line and three of
Foot Guards, in all twenty-five battalions; which, with
the Artillery and the Cavalry, will make up an effective
force of at least 25,000 men. The Twentieth, Twenty-
first, Thirty-fourth, Sixty-third, and Ninety-seventh
Regiments, have received orders to hold themselves in
readiness for "a special service."
The British fleet, under Sir Charles Napier, is now
in the Baltic. The fleet arrived at Wingo Sound on the
15th inst., and the Admiral himself, running up to
Copenhagen in the Valorous, landed there on the 20th,
to pay his respects to the King. It was expected that
the greater ships would pass by the Great Belt, as there
was not enough of water in the Sound.
Copies of the secret communications between the
Emperor of Russia and the British Government have
been presented to both houses of parliament, and
published in the newspapers. They consist of letters from
Sir G. Hamilton Seymour to Lord John Russell and the
Earl of Clarendon, giving accounts of conferences
between the Emperor and himself, with answers from
Lord John and Lord Clarendon; and also a
memorandum by Count Nesselrode, delivered to the English
government, and purporting to be founded on communications
received from the Emperor subsequently to his
visit to England in 1844. From these documents we
can only extract a few passages, exhibiting the designs
of the Emperor on Turkey, as disclosed by him to the
British ambassador. On the 11th of January, 1853, Sir
Hamilton Seymour gives an account of an interview with
the Czar. The conversation had been general, and the
Czar was about to close it, when Sir H. Seymour
respectfully begged that the Emperor would add a few
words which might tend to calm the anxiety of her
Majesty's government. "The Emperor's words and
manner," says Sir Hamilton, "although still very kind,
showed that his Majesty had no intention of speaking
to me of the demonstration which he is about to make
in the south. He said, however, at first with a little
hesitation, but, as he proceeded, in an open, unhesitating
manner: 'The affairs of Turkey are in a very
disorganised condition; the country itself seems to be
falling to pieces. The fall will be a great misfortune,
and it is very important that England and Russia should
come to a perfectly good understanding upon these
affairs, and that neither should take any decisive step of
which the other is not apprised.' I observed, in a few
words, that I rejoiced to hear his Imperial Majesty hold
this language; that this was certainly the view I took
of the manner in which Turkish questions are to be
treated. 'Stay,' the Emperor said, as if proceeding with
his remark, 'we have on our hands a sick man—a very
sick man; it will be, I tell you frankly, a great
misfortune if one of these days he should slip away from us,
especially before all necessary arrangements are made.
But, however, this is not the time to speak to you on
that matter.' It was clear that the Emperor did not
intend to prolong the conversation. I therefore said:
'Your Majesty is so gracious, that you will allow me to
make one further observation. Your Majesty says the
man is sick; it is very true, but your Majesty will deign
to excuse me if I remark, that it is the part of the
generous and strong man to treat with gentleness the
sick and feeble man.' The Emperor then took leave of
me, in a manner which conveyed the impression of my
having at least not given offence, and again expressed
his intention of sending for me on some future day."
On the 22d of January, Sir Hamilton describes another
interview. The Czar returned to his illustration of the
sick man. " 'Turkey,' he said, 'has fallen into such a
state of decrepitude that, as I told you the other night,
eager as we all are for the prolonged existence of the
man (and that I am as desirous as you can be for the
continuance of his life, I beg you to believe), he may
suddenly die upon our hands (nous rester sur les bras).
We cannot resuscitate what is dead; if the Turkish
empire falls, it falls to rise no more; and I put it to you,
therefore, whether it is not better to be provided beforehand
for a contingency, than to incur the chaos,
confusion, and the certainty of an European war, all of
which must attend the catastrophe if it should occur
unexpectedly, and before some ulterior system has been
sketched. This is the point to which I am desirous that
you should call the attention of your government.' "
Sir Hamilton said that her Majesty's government
objected as a general rule to taking engagements upon
possible eventualities, and perhaps would be
particularly disinclined to doing so in this instance.
"If I may be allowed to say so," added Sir Hamilton,
"a great disinclination (repugnance) might be expected
in England to disposing by anticipation (d'escompter) of
the succession of an old friend and ally. 'The rule is
a good one,' the Emperor replied, 'good at all times,
especially in times of uncertainty and change, like the
present; still it is of the greatest importance that we
should understand one another, and not allow events to
take us by surprise. Now I desire to speak to you
as a friend and as a gentleman. If England and I
arrive at an understanding of this matter, as regards the
rest, it matters little to me; it is indifferent to me what
others do or think. Frankly, then, I tell you plainly,
that if England thinks of establishing herself one of
these days at Constantinople, I will not allow it. I do
not attribute this intention to you, but it is better on
these occasions to speak plainly: for my part, I am
equally disposed to take the engagement not to establish
myself there, as proprietor that is to say, for as trustee
I do not say: it might happen that circumstances, if no
previous provision were made, if everything should be
left to chance, might place me in the position of
occupying Constantinople.' " At a subsequent interview, in
February, "His Imperial Majesty," says Sir Hamilton,
"spoke of France. 'God forbid,' he said, 'that I should
accuse any one wrongfully, but there are circumstances
both at Constantinople and Montenegro which are
extremely suspicious: it looks very much as if the
French government were endeavouring to embroil us
all in the east, hoping in this way the better to arrive
at their own objects, one of which, no doubt, is the
possession of Tunis.' The Emperor proceeded to say,
that, for his own part, he cared very little what line the
French might think proper to take in eastern affairs,
and that little more than a month ago he had apprised
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