of the whole house, in answer to the royal message
respecting the declaration of war with Russia.

The second reading of the Church Buildings Act
Amendment Bill was moved by Lord Harrowby.—
Earl Powis objected to the loose wording of the bill,
which rendered it difficult to ascertain to what localities
it would be applicable. He thought the measure would
not prove so innocent as it seemed to be at the first
glance.—The Bishop of London explained that all the
provisions of the bill were conditional. He supported
it, as being absolutely necessary in the present
condition of the metropolis.—Lord St. Leonards contended
that all the churches which were to be pulled down
under the provisions of the measure should be determined
upon and designated before the bill was allowed
to pass.—The bill was then read a second time.

On Tuesday, April 4, Lord Brougham moved the
second reading of the Bills of Exchange Bill, the object
of which is to permit the registration of dishonoured
bills of exchange and promissory notes, as in Scotland,
and to give to the registration of the protest the effect
of a judgment.—Lord Campbell and the Lord
Chancellor approved of the principle of the measure; and
after some discussion the bill was read a second time,
and referred to the select committee on the common
law procedure bill.

Lord St. Leonards moved for returns of the number
of Wives and Children of Soldiers on Active Service in
the East, or ordered there; and drew attention to the
vast importance of care being taken of these classes
during the absence of their husbands and fathers.—The
Duke of Newcastle said that, as far as possible, the
government were willing to assist the efforts of the public
on this behalf by any means in their power short of affording
direct assistance.—The returns were then ordered.

On Thursday, April 6, the Earl of Eglintoun moved
an address to the Queen, founded on a petition from the
National Association for the Vindication of Scottish
Rights, and, in an elaborate speech, advocated the
redress of the grievances under which the petitioners
allege that Scotland now labours.—The Earl of Aberdeen
opposed the motion, both as a minister and a
Scotchman, and, after a discussion, in which the Duke of
Argyll and Lord Panmure took part, the motion was
withdrawn.

On Friday, April 7, Earl Grey moved for copies of
correspondence and other papers connected with the
Administration of Military Affairs. He then remarked
upon the anomalous character of the arrangements
at present existing, and the absurdity of the division of
labour and authority as now effected between the
Colonial Secretary, the Commander-in-Chief, and the
Master-General of the Ordnance. Citing a number
of instances to show the delays and inconveniences
resulting from this complicated system, the noble Earl
contended for the expediency of establishing a single
department, placed under the control of a responsible
war minister, and entrusted with the management and
control of the whole military executive.—The Duke
of Newcastle consented to the production of the
papers asked for, but maintained that no sufficient case
had been shown for the vast change in the administrative
system of the army which had been proposed.
He could not deny that much complication existed, and
that inconveniences might sometimes be felt, but urged
ihe difficulty of finding any arrangements calculated to
work better in practice, and pointed, in proof, to
the conflicting recommendations that had emanated
from successive commissions and committees who had
undertaken to investigate the subject. The efficiency
of the force and excellence of the equipments lately
sent to the East afforded some testimony that the affairs
of the army were not mismanaged.—Lord Hardinge
defended the present system of administration, and
denied the existence of the evils described by Earl
Grey.—The Earl of Ellenborough disliked boards as
a mechanism for doing the public work. We were
entering upon a long and dangerous war, which could
only be satisfactorily conducted under the control of a
single and responsible functionary.—Lord Panmure
also thought the time ripe for improving the machinery
of the War Office.—Earl Grey made some observations
in reply, and the subject dropped.

The third reading of the Testamentary Jurisdiction
Bill was moved by the Lord Chancellor.—The
Archbishop of Canterbury remonstrated against the
injustice which the measure would inflict upon the
proctors.—Lord Wynford thought that the bill should
not be allowed to pass without taking the sense of the
house.—After some further discussion, their lordships
divided, and the bill passed the third reading by a
majority of 2, the numbers being, contents, 7; non-
contents, 5.

On Monday, April 10, Lord Lyndhurst called the
attention of the government to a current report that the
Russian authorities had Seized the Property of our Late
Minister at St. Petersburgh. If it is true, it is such a
gross violation of the law of nations as could scarcely be
expected from Russia as a civilised state. He hoped
some explanation would be given by ministers.—The
Marquis of Lansdowne said, in the absence of Lord
Clarendon, he might state that he entirely agreed
in the construction which Lord Lyndhurst had put
on the character of the proceeding, if it has taken place;
but as no information has reached the Foreign Office,
he could give no explanation.

On Tuesday, April 11, the Earl of Clarendon, in
reply to a series of questions from Lord Beaumont,
Respecting the Views of the German Powers, said a
protocol had been signed between England, France,
Austria, and Prussia, at Vienna, and he would lay
it on the table after the holidays. This document would
be found of a satisfactory character, and the assent
of Prussia had been readily given to it. There was
not the slightest foundation for the rumour that Prussia
had gone over to the cause of Russia, nor was there any
reason to anticipate it, though he wished the tone and
temper of the debates in the second chamber at Berlin
had been somewhat different. He believed Chevalier
Bunsen had been recalled, but as yet he had no official
knowledge of the fact. And he had heard that another
special mission was about to be sent to this country,
of the same nature as that which arrived three weeks
ago, and which probably would be attended with
the same result. He was not able to give their lordships
any information as to the convention signed between
Austria and Prussia, because it had not been
communicated to Her Majesty's government; but he
understood that it was of an offensive and defensive
character, in the event of any territorial attack upon
Germany. In respect to the allied fleets, he had only
to say that they were, at the last advices, at Kavarni;
and that when the admirals heard of the passage
of the Danube by the Russians, they detached some
steamers to communicate with the military authorities
of the Turkish forces, and to render them all the
assistance in their power. As to Servia, the government
had no information of the alleged entry of Austrian
troops into that country. An Austrian corps d'armée
was, however, upon the frontiers, but it would only
enter in the event of an insurrection in favour of
Russia, and with the object of maintaining the status
quo and the authority of the Sultan.

Lord Brougham moved the second reading of the
Scotch Bankruptcy and Insolvency Bill. He described
its object to be, to improve and consolidate the law of
Scotland on the subject of debtor and creditor, so
far as relates to insolvency; to provide more effectual
machinery for collecting and dividing sequestrated
and insolvent estates; to render all important
proceedings relating to these matters of a judicial character;
to prevent delays in winding up bankruptcies and
other insolvencies; and to afford security to creditors
that justice shall be fairly done, that assets shall be
fully collected, that debts shall be satisfactorily proved,
that no unjust preferences shall be made, and no
unnecessary expenses incurred. These several objects
were proposed to be carried out by 267 clauses, and
a number of schedules; and the noble and learned lord
strongly urged the Lord Chancellor to undertake the
care of the bill on behalf of the government.—The Lord
Chancellor, without pledging himself to the details
of the measure, promised to give it all the assistance in
his power, believing, as he did, that the law of
bankruptcy in Scotland was in a defective and unsatisfactory
state.—The bill was then read the second time, with