our finance, and said he did not think that even in the
war with France greater responsibility was involved.
If they looked to the prospects of the war, they
perceived that the navy was indeed in an efficient state;
but as Russia did not intend to meet us on the sea, it
was evident that little could be expected from a great
blow struck in the Baltic. With regard to the Black
Sea, it could not be concealed that the Asiatic frontier
of Turkey was in great danger. He had hoped that a
foreign legion would have been raised before this time,
which might have been sent there, but that hope had
been disappointed. There was, however, a large force
in the Crimea, but that force would be met by a large
Russian army, increased by troops sent from the
Austrian frontier. He thought these matters called for
grave reflection. He would say nothing of the plans
proposed for the next campaign, for he thought that
too much publicity had already been given to these
subjects. With respect to the prospects of peace, he
said that, personally he could wish all his despatches
from Vienna were given fully to the public, that his
conduct might be clearly appreciated. He might state
that the Turkish ambassador, who knew well the
interests of his country, was perfectly satisfied with the
terms offered at Vienna. He did not know whether
a decision had been arrived at at Constantinople similar
to that which was decided on at Paris and London.
If it had not—if the war was now carried on, not for
the integrity of Turkey, but to maintain the naval and
military reputation of the western powers—the
character of the war would be completely changed, and
instead of lending money to Turkey in future, we must
in future grant her direct subsidies. He expressed full
confidence, not only in the loyalty, but in the discretion
of the French Emperor as our ally; but upon the
whole question he must say that there never was a
house of commons which placed more confidence in a
government than this house did in the present
government. He would now advert to the Italian portion of
the question. Part of the money involved in this bill
was for transporting the Piedmontese troops to the seat
of war. He thought the conduct of the King of
Sardinia, as an ally, was beyond all praise. But of
course the Sardinian government expected to obtain
the moral support of this country for an object they had
much at heart, to see a better state of things prevail in
Italy. They perceived that in the Papal States great
oppressions were going on, while outside the towns
there was an organised system of brigandage. In the
Two Sicilies some of the best men were still suffering in
the Neapolitan dungeons, and though their sufferings
had been most powerfully exposed by Mr. Gladstone,
he could not learn that any improvement had taken
place. In Tuscany, the old mild system had been
exchanged for an inquisitorial system, which was
a disgrace to a civilised government. What aggravated
the matter was, that these evils were taking place, not
so much from domestic misgovernment, but that one
part of the states of the church was occupied by an
Austrian army, while Rome itself was occupied by a
French army. In former cases the occupation was but
temporary, but in the present case the French occupation
of Rome had continued for five years, and there
was no symptom whatever of its coming to an end.
On the contrary, it was admitted everywhere that if
the French and Austrian troops were withdrawn, the
authority of the Pope would be denied, and a government
more consistent with justice would be established.
This was a great disturbance of the balance of power
in Europe, which the influence of the British
government ought to be exerted to put an end to. Was
it not possible that the French, Austrian, and English
governments might be able to devise some beneficial
system of government in those states? Had the
war terminated, he could not doubt that this
would have been one of the first matters to which
the King of Sardinia would have called the attention of
our government. Unhappily, we had no present prospect
of peace, and therefore he called the attention of
the government to the question now. He was quite
sure that his noble friend would be most glad to
embrace any opportunity that would enable him to effect
that object. He could not see that there ought to be
much difficulty in the matter. He had no doubt the
Emperor of the French would be most happy to
concert some such measure with our government. He
admitted that this was an old subject of complaint. From
the days of Petrarch to Filicaja—from the days of
Filicaja to the present day—the complaint of all the
great men of Italy had been the domination of the
foreigner. But though the evil was old, it need not be
perpetual, and he hoped to live to see the day when the
English government, checking the wild spirit of
Mazzini and his followers, and encouraging constitutional
and moderate principles, would help forward the
growth of industry, peace, and civilisation.—Mr.
WILKINSON thought the present was not a very
opportune moment for introducing the subject. It seemed
of a piece with the speech of Mr. Gladstone the other
night, who called up all the powers of his eloquence
and ingenuity to exaggerate the resources of Russia,
and to depreciate those of Great Britain and her allies.
He contended that the only course left for the allies
now was to prosecute the war vigorously, as the only
means of obtaining peace.—Lord PALMERSTON did not
complain of the course taken by Lord J. Russell. He
had taken a prominent part in these questions when in
office, and now that he was out of office he had more
leisure to turn his attention to them. He quite admitted
the responsibility pressing upon the government. No
man ought to have engaged in the war without first
having satisfied his mind that the cause was just, and
the sacrifices to be made by the country were for an
adequate object. It must indeed be a grave reason
which could induce a man who was a party to the
commencement, and, up to a recent period, to the
prosecution of the war, now to change his opinion, to
represent the war as unjust and unnecessary, and to anticipate
disaster and ruin. He did not apply these remarks to
his noble friend, to whom he would only say that the
government were prepared to take the responsibility of
their position. He was satisfied with the generous
spirit of that house, and he was sure the views they
had heard from a few members had found no echo out
of doors. It could not be expected that the government
should enter into any explanations upon the subjects
touched upon by his noble friend. But he might
state with regard to one of those points, that he had no
reason to believe the Turkish government differed at
all in their view of the Austrian proposals from those of
England and France. If at any future time they should
come to a different conclusion from the western powers,
that would be matter for grave deliberation; but he
could not conceal from the house that England and
France had at least fully as great an interest in this
matter as Turkey herself. But up to the present
moment, and he hoped it was likely to continue, there
was perfect unanimity of opinion between the governments
of England and France. He cordially concurred in Lord
John's eulogy of the cordiality existing between the
governments of France and England, which might, in fact,
be considered as one cabinet. He adverted to the delay in
the formation of the foreign legion, delays which were
now being rapidly overcome, and he hoped before the
autumn passed he would be able to send a reinforcement
of them to the Crimea. He then adverted to the state
of Italy. After eulogising the constitutional conduct
of the king and the people of Sardinia, he referred to the
contrast presented in the Roman states and the
kingdom of Naples. Foreign influence in all states was
fatal to their well-being. Foreign influence obtained
by arms was still worse; and, in Italy, unluckily, both
were in full sway. It was vain to deny that Naples was
under the influence of Russia, showing the manner in
which an enemy obtained influence over countries
whose territories were far separated from her. But the
house must see that these were difficult and delicate
topics to handle, and that nothing could be less desirable
than that there should be discussions in this house
or communications from the government tending to
throw a shade of coldness over our relations with either
of those governments. With regard to the occupation
of foreign troops, the French garrison of Rome had
been reduced, the Austrian troops were withdrawn
from Tuscany, and they had not been increased in other
parts of Italy. With regard to Austria, he might state