disorganised state. At this very moment, I believe the
garrison of Gumri to consist of not more than 400 or
500 men, and if we had only had our artillery
horses and a few regiments of cavalry, we might
have kept this Russian army in check still longer, and
have thus considerably facilitated Omar Pasha's
movements. Thousands of our horses lie
underground, and our artillery is quite crippled.——
Oct. 7.—We found it impossible to send out a post,
for we are still surrounded by the Russians. We
fancied we saw symptoms of a move, but they are still
here. No one knows what Omar Pasha is about. I
fear he has not commenced his operations, or Mouravieff
would not dare to remain. It may be that he cannot
yet remove his wounded. Each day he sends off
hundreds of carts laden with stores and wounded. We
still hear reports of another attack. On the strength of
it we have made three new redoubts in places where
experience has now taught us that they may be useful.
We made all our field magazines on Pasley's triangular
profile, and had no accident; a shell burst on one of
them, but did no mischief. There were many acts of
individual daring on the 29th, and among them I must
mention that of some women who volunteered to take
water from below to the men engaged on the heights;
two young girls of sixteen and eighteen were killed
while doing this charitable action. Cholera is, I am
sorry to say, making sad havoc among us, and we lose a
great many men and officers every day. Our winter
has regularly set in, and the snow is on the tops of the
mountains.——Oct. 10.—The enemy still surrounds
us, and I see no certain sign of a move; they may go at
any hour."

The following detailed account of the capture of the
Russian fortress of Kinburn, in the estuary of the
Dnieper (briefly mentioned in last month's Narrative)
is given by the correspondent of the Times:—"October
17. Kinburn has fallen after a short but most desperate
defence. Early this morning the Russians perceived
that the French had crept up during the night to the
ruined village, and were busily engaged in making their
first parallel, under cover of the houses, at about 700 or
650 yards from the place, whereupon they opened a
brisk fire upon them from the guns en barbette in the
eastern curtain; and were answered by two French field
pieces from the screen of a broken wall. It was a dull
grey dawn, with a wind off the shore, and the sea was
quite calm. The fleet was perfectly still, but the mortar
vessels, floating batteries, and gunboats were getting up
steam, and before nine o'clock they were seen leaving
the rest of the armada and taking up their position on
the south side of the fort, the three floating batteries
being close in with the casemates, and the mortar
vessels and gunboats being further away and more to the
eastward, so as to attack the angle of the fort, and fight
the guns which were on the curtains en barbette. The
floating batteries opened with a magnificent crash, at
9.30 a.m., and one in particular distinguished itself for
the regularity, precision, and weight of its fire throughout
the day. The enemy replied with alacrity, and the
batteries must have been put to a severe test, for the
water was splashed into pillars by shot all over them.
At 10.10 the bombs opened fire. At 11.10 a fire broke
out in the long barrack, and speedily spread from end
to end of the fort, driving the artillerymen from their
guns, while small explosions of supply ammunition took
place inside. At 11.15 the Russian Jack was shot
away, and was not replaced; the firing became
tremendous. Admiral Stewart, in the Valorous, and the
French admiral (second in command), in the Asmodée,
followed by eleven steamers, came round the Spit battery
into Cherson bay, delivering broadsides and engaging the
batteries as they passed, and they were preceded by the
Hannibal, which ripped up Kinburn with her
broadsides. The fire raged more furiously, fed by constant
bombs and rockets, and at 12.35 a fresh fire burst out in
the fort. At the same time the Valorous, Asmodée,
and steam frigates opened broadsides on the fort, and
the nine line-of-battle ships came up in magnificent
style, and took up their position at the seaward face of
the fort, already seriously damaged by the tremendous
fire of the floating batteries, gunboats, and mortar
vessels. . . . The storm of shot from this great ordnance
is appalling. The very earth seems flying into dust, and
the fiery embers of the fort are thrown into columns of
sparks by the shot. Still the Russians stand to the
only guns they have left. The broadsides increase in
vigour, and at last a white flag is waved by a single man
from the rampart. Boats with flags of truce push off,
and they learn that the garrison is willing to surrender.
At 2 p.m. the firing ceases, and 1,100 men march into
our lines, several of them quite drunk, carrying off
food and drink, and the officers bearing their side arms.
The garrison consisted of the 29th Regiment and of 100
artillerymen. 200 are said to be killed, and 400 or 500
wounded; but admittance to the town is denied by the
French, as it is said that the Governor is in the powder
magazine inflamed to madness, and watching the chance
of the victors entering to fire the mine, which is well
stored with powder. We shall know more to-morrow."

"Thursday, October 18.—When the flag was waved
from the parapet, a boat, each with a flag of truce,
pushed off from the English and French Admirals, and
at the same time Sir Houston Stewart proceeded to
shore near the battery, where he found the French
General advancing to parley with the Governor. Major-
General Kokonovitch advanced with a sword and pistol
in one hand and a pistol in the other, and threw down
his sword at the officer's feet, and discharged his pistols
into the ground, or at least pulled the triggers with the
muzzle pointing downwards, in token of surrender.
He was moved to tears, and as he left the fort he turned
round and made some passionate exclamation in
Russian, of which the interpreter could only make out,
'Oh, Kinburn! Kinburn! Glory of Suwaroff and my
shame, I abandon you,' or something to that effect.
As the garrison marched out they were ordered to pile
their arms, but many of them threw them on the ground
at the feet of the conquerors, with rage and mortification
depicted in their features. It appears that the
second in command, whose name is something like
Saranovitch—a Pole by birth—inflamed by courage
and its Dutch ally, declared he would not surrender,
and that he was prepared to blow up the magazine
before the enemy should enter, and he was
supported by the officer of engineers and by the officer
of artillery. Amid the crash of falling buildings, the
explosions of mortars, the thunder of the fleet, and the
smoke and flames of their crumbling batteries, the
Russians held a hasty council of war, at which it was
put to the vote whether they should surrender or not,
and the majority carried the question in the affirmative,
on the side of humanity and reason. In vain the
fanatic Pole, the artilleryman, and engineer tried to
persuade the Governor and the majority to persist in
the madness and folly of continuing their passive
resistance, for active opposition was out of their power.
'We can hold out for a week,' said they. 'What
then?' asked the Governor. 'You have not been able
to fire a shot for three-quarters of an hour. Are you
likely to be in a better state two hours hence, and, above
all, where are the men to live meantime?' Such
arguments, enforced by tremendous broadsides and by the
knocks of the admirals with cannon balls against every
side of the fort prevailed, and the white flag was hoisted,
much to the satisfaction of every humane sailor in the
allied fleet, the men of which could feel no pleasure in
destroying a brave enemy, and much more to the
gratification of those who were allowed to cease a
demonstration of hopeless courage. Kokonovitch wept
as he threw down the pen with which he signed the
articles of surrender, but he had no reason to be ashamed
of his defence. By the capitulation the garrison were
permitted to retire with everything except their arms,
ammunition, and guns: the officers were allowed to
wear their swords, the men to carry off their knapsacks,
clothing, regimental bugles, church property, relics,
and pictures. When the Major General was asked to
use his influence, or to give a pledge that no harm
should befall the allies who might enter the place, he
said he would do so, 'but at the same time I must tell
you,' added he, 'that the flames are at this moment
very near the grand magazine.' This was a friendly
caution, which produced, of course, a corresponding
effect, and steps were taken at once to prevent any such