They declared that, notwithstanding every disappointment,
the people of this country still retain the generous
feelings which led them, at the commencement of the
war, willingly to place all the means required from
them at her Majesty's disposal; that they will still protect
the weak against the aggression of the strong; and
that they are not prepared to consent that Russia shall,
by her increasing preponderance, so control the Turkish
government as practically to hold Constantinople within
her grasp. The resolutions finally represented that the
people, suffering privations on account of the war, had
as yet had no consolation; and that their lordships were
of opinion that it would only he through the selection
of men for public employment, without regard to
anything but the public service, that the country could
hope to prosecute the war successfully, and to attain its
only legitimate object—a secure and honourable peace.
—Lord PANMURE said that it would be impossible for
him, without exposing himself to misrepresentation, to
object to a great part of the noble earl's assertions; but
in other parts of the noble earl's address her Majesty's
government recognised a censure to which they could
not submit, and it would be his duty, therefore, to
move that this question be not put. He should not
move to place a direct negative upon it, but he should
so shape his motion as to submit to their lordships that
the government were not open to this censure. In
justification of the ministerial conduct, Lord Panmure
urged the forty years' peace, the consequent insufficiency
of our armaments, and the retrenchments which had
reduced the army to a mere series of detached and
isolated regiments. Declaring that the government
had laboured indefatigably and successfully to supply
all requirements, he adverted in detail to the successive
operations of last year's campaign, and the condition of
the troops in the field and the camp, arguing that in all
cases the best available course had been followed, and
whatever evils arose were remedied at the earliest
possible moment. The public interest forbade him from
citing documents in his possession, but he ventured to
assure the house that since February last the British
troops had been gradually improving in health, strength,
and efficiency, and were now unmatched in every quality
which rendered an army fit for action, and formidable
against the enemy. On the general allegation that
inefficient functionaries were advanced to high office, he
challenged attack, remarking that no single instance
had been cited to substantiate the charge. He took for
granted that the noble earl referred to civil appointments
and not to the army or navy. It was, then, his
duty to point out some instances, but this he had not
done. The portion of the noble earl's resolutions which
seemed to cast a censure upon government was well
worthy their lordships' serious consideration. Only
three months had elapsed since the country passed
through a prolonged ministerial crisis; and true
patriotism, he urged, now pointed to a course which
should allay public anxiety, strengthen the hands of
the government, and give to the general and the army
increased confidence in their constitutional directors.—
The Earls of HARDWICKE and WINCHILSEA supported
the resolutions, which were opposed by the Earl of
ELGIN.—The Earl of DERBY supported the resolutions.
He did not concur in all that was said at the London
meeting. He entered into a lengthened explanation of
the causes which limited the choice of servants of the
crown to persons of a particular class, and expressed his
opinion that whenever a young man of ability entered
parliament, there was no minister, whether whig or
tory, who would not gladly accept his services. He
stated this in order to correct the exaggerated feeling
which was abroad on this subject. It was said great
improvements had been made within the last three
months, but it ought not to be forgotten that, with the
exception of the war minister, the government was the
same as it had been when all the evils occurred. In
conclusion, he stated that, while he should regret if the
success of this resolution should remove the present
ministers, still he could not admit that the state of the
country was such as to deter him from accepting office
if it were offered him now, as he had three months ago.
—The Duke of NEWCASTLE defended the conduct of
government.—The Marquises of CLANRICARDE and
LONDONDERRY opposed the motion.—The Marquis of
LANSDOWNE said it was plain this resolution was
mainly directed against Lord Palmerston. He reminded
the house that in every war this country had been
engaged in since the revolution the first year was
unsuccessful, and to a degree infinitely greater than the
present war had been. He stated, as a curious fact,
that in the first expedition of Marshal Schomburgh,
which was planned by King William, there were precisely
the same complaints, even to the want of clothing
and hutting, which were now urged in respect to the
Crimean army. He asserted that it was a popular
delusion to suppose that there was any reserve of talent
in this country which was prevented by artificial means
from finding its way into the government, and he
contended that the government had done its best to recruit
its ranks from every possible quarter. "With regard to
the conduct of the war, he asserted that the Russians
had suffered tenfold what the allies had done, and he
cited a return which, he assured the house, was
obtained from the highest authority, stating that, previous
to the death of the Emperor Nicholas, 177,000 men
had died, and since then 70,000 more had perished—
making a loss to the enemy of 247,000 men. He added
that there was no step which we had taken through
the whole war which was not either suggested or approved
by our invaluably ally.—The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH
replied; after which their lordships divided.
Contents, 71; non–contents, 181: majority against the
motion, 110.

On Tuesday, May 15, the Earl of ALBEMARLE moved
a resolution that, in order to bring the war to a speedy
termination, it was necessary to Restrict the Trade with
Russia by more efficient measures than any which have
hitherto been adopted or announced by her Majesty's
government. He more particularly complained of the
free transit of goods through Prussia.—Lord STANLEY
of Alderley replied that government felt the importance
of carrying on the blockade with all the energy and
strictness possible. With respect to that portion of the trade
of Russia which oozed through Prussia, he saw no
means—on account of the difficulty of distinguishing
that which was Russian produce from that which was
Prussian—the effect of which would not be to inflict the
maximum of injury to ourselves for the minimum of
injury inflicted on Russia. For these reasons he did
not think it necessary to resort to any other measures
than those which had already been taken.—Lord
COLCHESTER contended for the right of search, which Earl
Granville condemned as likely to offend the European
powers without any practical benefit to ourselves.—Earl
GREY denounced the principle of drawing tighter the
restrictions on trade and the commerce of the world—
in order to injure an enemy—as dangerous and impolitic.
—The Earl of DERBY could not refuse his vote to a
proposition which tended to carry on the war with
vigour and efficiency.—The house then divided, when
there appeared—Contents (for the resolution), 31; non–
contents (against it), 47: majority against it 16.

On Friday, May 18, Lord PANMURE made a
statement of the proposed Reforms in our Military
Administration. It was proposed, in the first place, to
abolish the office of Master–General of the Board of
Ordnance altogether. The ordnance consists of two
departments, one occupied with matters which are purely
military, the other with matters of a civil character.
The former includes the command of the Royal Artillery
and the Royal Engineers, both which it is proposed
to vest in the Commander–in–Chief of the army. The
civil department will be vested in the Secretary of State
for the War Department, who will have under him a
chief civil officer with a seat in the House of Commons,
in order that he may be there responsible for all that is
done in the civil administration of the army. He proposed
in the new arrangement to place a naval officer in
connection with the Director General of Artillery, who
would be charged with superintending improvements in
the naval gunnery of the country. He further intended
to establish a department which should have the
superintendence of the whole public contracts made for the
army or ordnance, and he proposed to place at the head
of it a commercial gentleman, who had the confidence of
the commercial world. A superintendent of clothing