did not wish to go into any personal affairs, but there
was one slight circumstance which occurred to himself,
and which he thought, as regarded the conduct of the
French government, had not attracted the attention it
deserved. Among the arts that were used—dodges, he
believed, is the modern word—to separate the English
and the French governments, the Russian cabinet
meted out a very different treatment to the English
minister to what was awarded to the French minister.
For instance, Sir Hamilton received one fine winter's
morning the agreeable intimation that his back was
more agreeable to the government than his face; that
his passports were ready; and that it was desirable he
should set out from St. Petersburg as soon as possible.
Nothing of the sort was done to the French minister.
But it happened that this little act was foreseen and
discountenanced at Paris; and it so happened, that
when the French minister heard of this, acting upon his
instructions, he wrote to the Russian cabinet, requesting
that a similar passport might be made out for him: and
so off he went. At the close of his speech, Sir Hamilton
hoped they would excuse any tinge of asperity that
might have appeared in what he had said. Many of
them, in travelling, had experienced the discomfort,
when arriving at a station, of finding that they had left
an umbrella or a carpet-bag behind them; and they would
therefore excuse any annoyance felt by a poor traveller
like himself, who had left behind him the whole of his
luggage, and who therefore naturally felt a little excitement
on the subject. This sally was received with great
cheering and laughter. Among the other speakers was
Lord John Russell, who, in acknowledging, in Lord
Aberdeen's absence, the toast of her Majesty's Ministers,
deprecated hasty criticism of the conduct of our naval
and military officers.

A meeting was held at Manchester on the 19th inst.,
called by Mr. Urquhart as a demonstration of Hostility
to the Policy of the Russian War. Mr. Alderman
Heywood was in the chair, and several thousand persons
were present. The business of the meeting was confused.
It was resolved "that it is not safe to enter into a war
without a thorough knowledge of its circumstances,"—
although the mover of that resolution was not permitted
to speak. It was proposed by Mr. William Coningham,
"that it is time for the British people to begin to comprehend
its external relations." Mr. Absolom Watkin
proposed an amendment, declaring that the war is just
and necessary; asserting that the power of Russia is
dangerous and must be reduced; and expressing a desire
for the restoration of Poland, Italy, and Hungary, as
independent states. After much noisy discussion, the
meeting cut short further proceedings by carrying both
resolution and amendment. A letter was read from
Mr. Bright in answer to an invitation to attend the
meeting. Its substance is contained in the following
passage. After saying that he differs from Mr. Urquhart
in every point save in the condemnation of the war,
and that therefore his presence could not be of any use,
he proceeds; "It is a melancholy circumstance that the
English public, not expecting and not reflecting—
accepting with a childish simplicity the declaration of
statesmen, whose only present bond of union is a
partnership in the guilt of this war, and relying on the
assertions of a press more anxious for a trade in
newspapers than for truth—should give their sanction to
proceedings as much opposed to their own interests as
they are to every principle of morality. Our countrymen
fancy they are fighting for freedom, because the Russian
government is a despotism. They forget that the object
of their solicitude is not less a despot; their chief ally but
the other day overthrew a republic and imprisoned or
expatriated the ministers of a freely-elected parliament;
that they are alternately coaxing and bullying Austria,
whose regard for freedom and justice Hungary and
Italy can attest, to join them in this 'holy war';
and that the chief result of their success, if success
be possible, will be to perpetuate the domination of
a handful of the followers of Mahomet over many
millions of Christians throughout the provinces of
European Turkey. There was a time when it was
fashionable to have sympathy for Greece; now, Athens
is to be occupied by English and French troops, if a
strong anti-Turkish feeling is manifested there. Five
years ago, English Liberals wished success to the
insurrection in Italy, and to the war for independence in
Hungary; now the efforts of the Greeks for freedom are
pronounced ill-timed,—as if we who are sending our
fleets and armies to perpetuate their subjugation to the
Turks, were the best judges of the moment when their
fetters should be struck off. I shall say no more, for
indeed I had not intended to say so much. From this
letter, and from conversation with you on more than
one occasion, I think you will see that I have a fair
reason for absenting myself from your meeting. The
people, or a portion of them, are drunk with a confused
notion of fighting Russia; they confound the blowing
up of ships and the slaughter of thousands with the
cause of freedom, as if there were some connexion
between matters so wholly apart. I cannot hope to
change this feeling, and I fear you cannot. Time and
experience alone will convince them, perhaps when too
late, that a great national crime lies at their door. The
time will come when history will record what English
treasure was expended, and what English blood was
shed, for an object in which England had no real
interest, and for an object, too, which the very statesmen
who advised it knew could not possibly succeed.
I have spoken my sentiments on this painful question
in the House of Commons; my constituents are
generally acquainted with them; and therefore I feel it the
less needful for me to take part in the meeting of
tomorrow."

The Norwich Town-Council, on the 19th, unanimously
agreed to an Address to the Queen on the declaration of
war against Russia. The speeches made on the occasion
indicated an energetic determination to support the
government in the conduct of the war. One
councillor, Mr. Tillett, said he feared the struggle would be
a very protracted one, as it would ultimately be found
to be a conflict concerning the whole of the religions of
Europe.

NARRATIVE OF LAW AND CRIME.

A remarkable trial for Murder has taken place at
Edinburgh. William Smith, a surgeon at Kirkton St.
Fergus in Aberdeenshire, was charged with the murder
of William M'Donald. The evidence was entirely
circumstantial. William M'Donald resided and worked
on the farm of his mother, at Burnside, near Kirkton.
He was a widower, but anxious to marry Mary Slessor,
a farm-servant; and he only waited for money and a
farm. He was on intimate terms with the accused;
and left his home on the evening of the 19th November
last, saying he had an appointment to meet Dr. Smith
at six o'clock. That evening, shortly after half-past
seven, Fraser, the bellman of Kirkton, on his way to
ring the eight o'clock bell, saw a flash and heard a
report in the direction of Dr. Smith's field. M'Donald
did not return home that night; and, alarmed at his
absence, his brother Robert set out in search of him
next morning. He took his way towards Dr. Smith's.
The path led through a field by the side of a cross-ditch to
Dr. Smith's field. On going through the gap in the hedge,
Robert M'Donald found the body of his brother, in the
ditch under the hedge, with a wound in his cheek, a
little blood on the face, and a pistol lying by the body.
He at once went to Dr. Smith's, but found that he was
from home. Shortly after, however, Smith and Pirie,
the village farrier, came up; and Smith said, "He's
shot himself,"—suggesting at the same time that the
pistol might have gone off by accident in the pocket of
his jacket. Suspicion soon fastened on Dr. Smith. It
appeared that he had effected three insurances upon the
life of M'Donald—two for five years, and one for one
year; the last, for £999 19s., expired on the 24th
November, five days after the murder of M'Donald.
In the policies of all these insurances it was a condition
that they should not be vitiated in the event of suicide.
Dr. Smith, in his judicial declarations, stated that they
were effected at the desire of his uncle—one William
Milne; that he knew nothing of the terms of the
policies; and that he did not expect to get the sums
insured by these policies on M'Donald's death, in
consequence of his having died by his own hand. With