cognizance thereof." Special instructions are to be
prepared, directing these courts to proceed to adjudication
and condemnation, "according to the course of
Admiralty and the law of nations, in the case of all
captures made under the authority before given;" and
corresponding instructions will be forwarded to the
maritime tribunals in our colonies and foreign possessions.
The second Order enjoins "that no ships or
vessels belonging to any of her Majesty's subjects be
permitted to enter and clear out for any of the ports of
Russia, until further order," and it also lays an embargo
on "all Russian ships or vessels whatsoever now within,
or which shall hereafter come into, any of the ports,
harbours, or roads, within her Majesty's dominions,
together with all persons and effects on board the said
ships or vessels"—subject, however, to a very important
reservation contained in the Order which immediately
follows, and which allows to all Russian merchant
vessels in any ports or places within her Majesty's
dominions, six weeks for loading their cargoes and
taking their departure. Permission is also granted to
all Russian vessels which, prior to the date of the Order,
may have sailed from any foreign port, bound for any
place within the British dominions, to enter the port
of their destination, to discharge their cargoes, and to
depart "forthwith" free from all molestation. This
privilege is, of course, not extended to ships having on
board officers in the military or naval service of the
enemy, articles contraband of war, or despatches
proceeding from or addressed to the Russian government.
The remaining Order gives directions for the distribution
of prize-money.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer has issued proposals
for a Loan of Six Millions for which tenders are invited.
The loan is to be taken upon Exchequer bonds, in three
sets, of £2,000,000 each, respectively redeemable on the
8th of May in 1858, 1859, and I860; the whole to bear
3½ per cent interest.

A Treaty of Alliance between England and France
has been signed at London and ratified at Paris. The
object of the alliance of the two powers is stated to be
the re-establishment of peace between the Emperor of
Russia and the Sultan on a permanent basis, and the
preservation of Europe from the dangers which have
disturbed the general peace. For this purpose, and in
order to secure the Ottoman dominions from foreign
invasion, the English and French governments agree to
combine their military and naval forces in a manner
sufficient to accomplish the result they have in view.
They bind themselves not to accept any proposition for
the cessation of hostilities against Russia, without having
communicated to each other the nature of such
overtures. They distinctly disclaim all exclusive advantage
to themselves from the events which may arise, and they
invite the rest of Europe to co-operate with them in an
alliance destined solely to protect the public interests of
Europe.

The Supplementary Gazette of April 14th contains
two Proclamations; the first commands that the 26th
April shall be observed throughout England and Ireland
as a day of humiliation and prayer; "that so both we
and our people may humble ourselves before Almighty
God, in order to obtain pardon of our sins, and in the
most devout and solemn manner send up our prayers
and supplications to the Divine Majesty, for imploring
His blessing and assistance on our arms for the restoration
of peace to us and our dominions;" and directs the
archbishops and bishops of England and Ireland to
prepare a form of prayer suitable to the occasion, to be read
in all churches, chapels, and places of public worship.
The second proclamation commands that the same day
be observed in Scotland as a day of humiliation and
prayer; and orders that the proclamation be published
at the market-cross of Edinburgh, and all other places
needful.

The banquet given by the Lord Mayor at the Mansion
House on Easter Monday, had a political character, and
was distinguished by a remarkable Speech from Sir
Hamilton Seymour, the late ambassador at the Russian
court. Sir Hamilton acknowledged the toast "the
diplomatic service of the country." After returning
thanks, he said he would have been content to sit down
at once, being altogether unaccustomed to address large
assemblies, but that he had a long story to tell. The
confidence they had reposed in him was due, not to the
individual, but to the system of diplomacy adopted by
the British government. That system is remarkably
simple. It consists in a man keeping his eyes as wide
open as he could, and in writing home observations, not
such as were most likely to please the English government,
but such as they appeared to be to the man
himself. That was the system universally adopted by
English diplomatists; but, unfortunately, it was not
followed abroad. In particular, it was not adopted by
the Russian government; and the consequences were
what we have all seen. Had the Russian government
followed the same practice, he believed that none of the
present evils would have come to pass. But,
unfortunately, a contrary course was adopted; for nothing
could be more inexact, nothing more false, than the
notions with regard to Europe in general that were
circulated through Russia. What did they write with
regard to the provinces of Turkey? They wrote that
nothing but the greatest horrors prevailed; that the
priests were murdered at the altar; that the Christian
temples were burnt; that the grossest sacrileges were
everywhere committed; things that made his hair stand
on end, till he found that he could not trace a single
word of truth in the whole relation. What did they
write from Constantinople? They wrote that that
interesting invalid the Sultan got worse and worse; that
his flesh and his appetite were quite gone; and that his
obstinacy was such that he refused to take the prescriptions
which the Imperial physician was good enough to
send him. What did they write from London? They
wrote that John Bull was a very material fellow; that
he was immersed in the Three per Cents; that he was
very fond of the creature comforts; and that he was
most unwilling to interrupt his present flow of prosperity
by meddling with affairs with which he had no direct
concern. So much for England. He must say here
that he was not alluding to mere diplomatic
correspondence—to the despatches of prince this or of count
that—but to general reports sent from the country.
What did they write from France? Why, they
represented that country as having hardly escaped from one
revolution or political change, and as being only bent
upon avoiding another; that the men of commerce were
intent upon realising large fortunes; that the government
was Imperial in its sympathies; and above all,
the idea of a close connexion between England and
France was treated as a myth—as a thing to be talked
of but never to be realised. It might be asked, what
was the English minister about? But the English
minister was a very small man. He did what he could,
but his voice was small; for it was not what was said to
the Emperor of Russia in the English language that
availed anything, but what was said to him in the
Russian language; and Sir Hamilton was persuaded
that if there had been any one among his advisers of
courage or of character sufficient to tell his Majesty the
exact truth, his Majesty would never have followed his
present unfortunate course. The result was, that
England is plunged into a war with a people having
many sympathies with England, which not only
purchases half the produce of Russia, but pays for it beforehand.
There are many kind hearts among that people,
and many friendly hands, which he should be glad again
to shake when the present mists of prejudice have been
dispelled. But if they had lost an old ally on one side,
the circumstances of the case had wiped away centuries
of jealousy and hostility with regard to another country—
the French nation. In every language there are words of
peculiar significance and importance. Thus, when they
say in England that a man behaves himself like a
gentleman, they bestow upon him the highest compliment,
and they mean that such a man would not only
fulfil but would go beyond his engagements. Now, in
the French language, the words "loyal" and "loyauté"
have the same significant meaning; and in speaking of
the French cabinet he must say, that, as far as his own
powers of observation had gone, those terms were
peculiarly applicable to the acts of the French government.
As far as he had been able to observe, nothing
had been more loyal—nothing more marked by loyauté
—than the proceedings of the French government. He