wage war, not wantonly, but for sound political
considerations. "It would ill become any man in the
situation which I have the honour to hold to talk of the
future and to advert to prospective measures; but this
I think I am well warranted in saying, that, viewing
the manly and unflinching spirit that animates the
people of this country—viewing the generous support
that parliament has given to the government in every
measure connected with the prosecution of the war—
viewing the perfect good faith and undeviating constancy
of purpose which animate our great ally the Emperor of
the French—viewing the sympathy which our cause
excites among every free people and in every free
country in the world, and even in places where mistaken
views of their interest, as I think, lead the governments
to a different course—viewing the justice of our cause,
which entitles us to look for the protection of Providence
on our exertions,—I say, in viewing all these things, I
am confident that we may look for such a result of the
contest in which we are engaged as may place the future
liberties of Europe and the main and permanent
interests of the countries which are now allied upon a sure,
a stable, and a lasting foundation."

Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton, on the 4th, addressed the
Herts Agricultural Society at Buntingford. Among
various other topics, one of which was the necessity for
administrative reform, he censured the discontent which
had been expressed with what had been done by our
troops. "It is not here, and I hope it would not be
anywhere, that I would dwell on what has been urged,
I think, somewhat hastily, in some of the newspapers, in
mitigation of our joy at the victory for which we have
rendered up our thanksgivings to the Divine Arbiter of human
destinies. It is true that we did not storm the Malakhoff,
and therefore had not as direct and immediate a share in
the taking of Sebastopol as the French—but what then?
Look at that emblem before you; it is inscribed with the
initials of Victoria and Napoleon, surrounded by the
same wreath. What does that mean? Why, it means
that England and France are a single army, and that
the glory of the one is the glory of the other. Do you
believe there is any Frenchman who would deny us our
full share of the laurel-tree which took its roots on the
hills of Alma, because the last gale in the storm of
battle drifted its leaves towards the ranks of the French?
Why, in the next turn of the wind those leaves might
be drifted towards us. But, gentlemen, I will never for
the paltry purpose of damaging a government to whom
I may have been opposed—no, I never will consent to
disparage English soldiers; and though I will not, upon
imperfect and hasty evidence, censure an absent general,
for whom, as for all military appointments, the government
alone can be held responsible, still, there is one
useful and most wholesome lesson that ought to be
impressed upon our minds,—for we Englishmen can bear
to be told of our faults, and I have always observed
through life, that the man who is most painfully sensitive
to the fear of failure is always the man most sure of
ultimate success." Sir Edward condemned the conduct
of the seceders of last session, and applauded the
majority in parliament for supporting the government.
"For myself as a member of parliament, I say to you,
in my proud position as one of the members for the
county of Hertford, that I never will, either from party
motives, or, God forbid, from personal ambition, be an
instrument to displace any government which shall
seem to me firmly and skilfully to maintain the national
honour, and finally to conclude our quarrel. Neither
will I, on the other hand, stoop to support any government
from whose feeble or faithless hands the sword
would drop paralysed or the olive-branch be
dishonoured. But, gentlemen, never let us forget that we
fight not for dominion nor revenge; we fight for another
and different object—we fight for the tranquillity of
Europe, and for its defence. Never, in the flush of
triumph, or fear of disaster, or heat of contest, let our
passions blind us to those definite objects, and never let
us be content with less. Duly mindful of the horrors of
carnage, and the iniquity of vengeance, do not let us,
by demanding more than we are entitled to claim,
become the scourge of humanity, instead of being, what
we now are, its shield and defence."

The Duke of Cambridge visited Liverpool, on the 8th
inst, accompanied by the Earl of Derby, whose guest
his Royal Highness was, at Knowsley. The duke was
received with the utmost enthusiasm by the authorities,
and by thousands of the inhabitants, who crowded the
streets and windows. In the evening, the mayor gave
a grand banquet; at which, in addition to the above
distinguished guests, the Bishop of Chester,
Mr. Walpole, Sir Harry Smith, the local members, and many
other gentlemen, were present. The Duke of Cambridge,
after expressing his gratitude for the reception given
him—a part intended, no doubt, for himself, but the
greater part for our Army in the East—spoke of the
warm affection which subsisted, when he was in the
Crimea, between the French and English, and the
personal feelings between himself and Marshal St.
Arnaud and General Canrobert. He dwelt also on the
advantage which the French had over us, at the outset,
in organisation. When the war broke out, we had no
land transport corps at all, and no ambulance, and we
landed in a country where no horses or forage could be
procured. The commissariat was a department of the
treasury, and the officers arrived in the Crimea with
little or no experience of the work they had to perform.
They were willing to learn, anxious to do their duty,
and desirous to receive suggestions. But, under all the
circumstances, it was not to be wondered at that
deficiencies manifested themselves which made every
one impatient. Officers were impatient, men were
impatient, and, said the duke, "I was impatient."
But he saw around him many eminent merchants
having establishments in every part of the globe, and he
would ask them whether a space of three, four, or five
months would enable them to form those establishments
and make those ramifications in every part of the globe
which are essential to the success of their undertakings
and the harmony and efficiency of their action? Time
must be given for establishing the necessary organisation,
and our establishments are now fast attaining an
efficiency worthy of this great country. The lesson to
be learnt from these events—and he trusted it would
not be forgotten after the peace—was not to starve our
establishments during a time of peace, or to maintain
them in such a low state of efficiency as if we thought
that war was impossible. Adverting to another topic
— the duration of the war—he said he was glad to see
that Liverpool, although interested in the return of
peace, was unanimous for the continuance of the war
until its objects are attained. In that sentiment he
entirely coincided; and he had a strong opinion that a
peace concluded at the present moment would not be
an honourable, durable, and lasting peace. Until such
a peace could be concluded, he was for carrying on the
war with all possible vigour and determination; and he
was gratified to find that this also was the opinion of the
inhabitants of Liverpool. Expressing a high opinion of
the officers, he said that for himself he had been
compelled, to his great regret, to leave the army in the East
in consequence of the state of his health; but now,
thank God, his health was restored, and nothing would
give him greafer pleasure than to rejoin the army in
the Crimea. His Royal Highness's address was
received with loud cheers.

A large meeting of the inhabitants of Jersey was held
at St. Hélier on the 13th inst., to take into consideration
certain statements published in a weekly newspaper
called L'Homme, the organ of the Red Republican
party of refugees in the island. The statements in question
were contained in a report of a meeting held in
London by a body of foreign refugees, at which a letter
was read from M. Felix Pyat, a notorious revolutionist,
containing gross and scandalous attacks on the Queen of
England and the Emperor of the French. The chair
was taken by M. Le Quesne, the mayor of the town,
who, in opening the proceedings, said:—"Refugees of
every nation, and under all circumstances, are hospitably
received here, but that is no reason why they should,
with impunity, commit breaches of the law, and at length
do something so scandalously incorrect that the eye of
the law could no longer refrain from noticing such
infamous conduct. Some refugees have acted with
discretion by the proper feeling they have shown respecting
this publication, and while residents here have acted as
quiet and good men should do; but those who have